http://groong.usc.edu/news/msg178217.html
ANKARA: The Armenian Question
From: "Katia M. Peltekian" <[email protected]>
Date: Thu, 15 Feb 2007 19:31:14 +0400 (AMT)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE ARMENIAN QUESTION
Ali BayramoĞlu, Yeni Şafak
Turkish Daily News
Feb 14 2007
We could see Hrant Dink's murder this way. The assassination is
a painful phase of the process of Turkey confronting its history
and identity.
To the majority of Turkish people, Dink's killing has shown that the
limits of thinking differently and the limits of fighting together are
drawn by collective memory. Even the mere fact that some couldn't bear
the metaphor of being Armenian [a reference to nationalist action shown
against the slogan "We are all Armenians" used in banners unfurled
at Dink's funeral] and actually lost the ability, even it was for a
second, to distinguish between the literal and metaphorical meaning,
proves that "Armenian" is among the pillars that form Turkish identity
through reverseness.
True, confrontations bring repressed memories up to the surface.
Every confrontation starts with some sort of a situation, event
or instrument.
No matter how we claim the opposite to be true, we are also discussing
the Turkish identity when we talk about the Kurdish or Armenian
question. All these three nations are among the determining elements
that founded the new republic.
The first of these is a bloody and painful process of migration
of millions of Muslims in the Balkans to Anatolian. The second one
results from the pressure applied by the first one and by the newly
emerging movement of nationalism. This is the process of purging
Anatolia of non-Muslims and handing over their wealth to Muslims
and Turks. This period has made its mark on today's perception of
nationalism. The third one is the start of the Kurdish question -
a double-sided nationalism production pump that began in the early
19th century when the modernization and reform movement in the Ottoman
Empire started to threaten the power of Kurdish emirs. This process
has gone on intermittently, and sometimes in the form of an alliance
against the non-Muslims.
To put it briefly, it is not the republican period that shaped the
Turkish identity along with the taboos and fears of this identity of
the republican period. It is this pre-republican era extending from
the 1800s to the 1920s.
The Turkish nation is now starting to realize that this 120-year
period has played the determinant role in shaping the Turkish national
identity. This is the most critical step in the process of maturing
an identity, increasing its self-confidence and its integration with
universal political values.
At the same time, reading through the pages of a historical period
of establishment of the country with today's mind is one of the most
difficult ways of confrontation.
Indeed, the tension between those who try to confront the past
and those who refuse to and the confusion of those who attempt to
confront the past are one of the main factors of today's rising
nationalist waves.
The longer fears and taboos remain as an inextricable part of
contemporary Turkish identity, the stronger the legitimacy of
authoritarian political structures. They are forcing on us to choose
between either the Turkish or the Armenian or the Kurdish thesis.
However, it is history that will emancipate us.
ANKARA: The Armenian Question
From: "Katia M. Peltekian" <[email protected]>
Date: Thu, 15 Feb 2007 19:31:14 +0400 (AMT)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE ARMENIAN QUESTION
Ali BayramoĞlu, Yeni Şafak
Turkish Daily News
Feb 14 2007
We could see Hrant Dink's murder this way. The assassination is
a painful phase of the process of Turkey confronting its history
and identity.
To the majority of Turkish people, Dink's killing has shown that the
limits of thinking differently and the limits of fighting together are
drawn by collective memory. Even the mere fact that some couldn't bear
the metaphor of being Armenian [a reference to nationalist action shown
against the slogan "We are all Armenians" used in banners unfurled
at Dink's funeral] and actually lost the ability, even it was for a
second, to distinguish between the literal and metaphorical meaning,
proves that "Armenian" is among the pillars that form Turkish identity
through reverseness.
True, confrontations bring repressed memories up to the surface.
Every confrontation starts with some sort of a situation, event
or instrument.
No matter how we claim the opposite to be true, we are also discussing
the Turkish identity when we talk about the Kurdish or Armenian
question. All these three nations are among the determining elements
that founded the new republic.
The first of these is a bloody and painful process of migration
of millions of Muslims in the Balkans to Anatolian. The second one
results from the pressure applied by the first one and by the newly
emerging movement of nationalism. This is the process of purging
Anatolia of non-Muslims and handing over their wealth to Muslims
and Turks. This period has made its mark on today's perception of
nationalism. The third one is the start of the Kurdish question -
a double-sided nationalism production pump that began in the early
19th century when the modernization and reform movement in the Ottoman
Empire started to threaten the power of Kurdish emirs. This process
has gone on intermittently, and sometimes in the form of an alliance
against the non-Muslims.
To put it briefly, it is not the republican period that shaped the
Turkish identity along with the taboos and fears of this identity of
the republican period. It is this pre-republican era extending from
the 1800s to the 1920s.
The Turkish nation is now starting to realize that this 120-year
period has played the determinant role in shaping the Turkish national
identity. This is the most critical step in the process of maturing
an identity, increasing its self-confidence and its integration with
universal political values.
At the same time, reading through the pages of a historical period
of establishment of the country with today's mind is one of the most
difficult ways of confrontation.
Indeed, the tension between those who try to confront the past
and those who refuse to and the confusion of those who attempt to
confront the past are one of the main factors of today's rising
nationalist waves.
The longer fears and taboos remain as an inextricable part of
contemporary Turkish identity, the stronger the legitimacy of
authoritarian political structures. They are forcing on us to choose
between either the Turkish or the Armenian or the Kurdish thesis.
However, it is history that will emancipate us.
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