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ZHIRAYR SEFILIAN'S SPEECH
By Armenian Volunteers Unit
AZG Armenian Daily
20/03/2007
Karabakh Issue, Inner Controversies
^_As you know, the first gathering undertaken by the "Hai
Kamavorakanneri Hamakhmbum" [Assembly of Armenian Volunteers]
was followed by the arrests of Jirair Sefilian, the coordinator of
this initiative, and Vardan Malkhasian, a member of the Assembly,
the search of the Assembly's central office, and the interrogation
of certain members.
Presented below is the verbatim transcription of the tape-recorded
speech made by Jirair Sefilian, coordinator of the initiative
known as "Hai Kamavorakanneri Hamakhmbum," at the above-mentioned
gathering. This speech is the basis of the criminal case.
First, I wish to introduce Ara (meeting chair). Arayik Hairapetian
is the son of our killed comrade, Major Hairapetian.
In recent years, generally speaking, we have come forth with
statements basically recalling, accentuating the events pertaining
to the liberated territories. But, as we noted, just with the appeal
of our declaration we have already emerged from those narrow circles
and can conceive of engaging, in every sense, in all national issues
of ours. During those years, many people approached us and asked,
"Boys, is it really true that they [the NKR and/or RA government]
wish to return the territories?" I wish to answer that question now
and thereafter let's agree to not speak about it. There have been
occasions, we have stated through the press, likewise I'm repeating
now; we will smash, crack open the head of whoever dares to surrender
land, and, believe me, there are many individuals in our country who
will do that.
Let's move on. Let's not talk further about the liberated
territories. As our comrade Aghayan stressed, in saying "Hai
Kamavorakan," we do not just mean those having participated in the
war; likewise I wish to underscore that, because that's how we began
our work. We did not start with just participants in the war. Here
I also wish to touch upon this to say that, unfortunately, today we
don't need the majority of the war participants. I say this with much
pain but that is the truth. Namely, the qualitative characteristics of
the war participants are not sufficient for us today in order for us
to be able to win this war. Today we are facing a much more serious,
difficult issue; therefore, our quality must be much higher than what
it was 14 years ago.
Therefore, we must place the emphasis on our becoming
organized. Thoughts were expressed periodically in speeches given here
that "it's enough to talk about what to do. Let's not discriminate
among means." I agree, truly, let's not discriminate, but let's first
become organized. The reason why our country has been in this condition
for these past 14 years is the absence of an organized force, which
is essentially guided by national ideas, national values; such a
force doesn't exist; such an organized force doesn't exist.
There are such individuals; our task is to immediately find, assemble
and organize such persons. We don't see getting organized without
discipline. We must have conscious discipline, the kind we had in 1990,
1988 or 1992, whereby no one forced us to stand in volunteer lines.
I was quite young in 1992; the majority of the members of our
military unit, our detachments, were perhaps twice my age, but I
didn't force those men to come and stand in line before me, they had
come voluntarily, they knew that it wasn't possible to create an army
without standing in line. Today likewise we must achieve that same
emotional state. All of us must reach the point of standing in line. If
we don't get to that emotional state, no task can be accomplished.
As a nation, we have many positive aspects as well as negative aspects,
of course. One of those is that all of us love our own private home -
I'm referring to the micro house - very much. We transform our family
into our fortress; our home is our fortress, and I'm convinced that
this causes great harm in terms of solving our serious national
problems. The time has come for us to consider the macro house - I'm
referring to the fatherland - as our home; namely, as long as we don't
realize that we need to make sacrifices to build the macro house, it is
meaningless to maintain, protect the micro house. It is my conviction
that we, yes, if you please, our family, we Armenians . . . don't
have respect for . . . but without fail we must work for our house,
each one of us according to his ability. One can put in 2 hours a day,
another 1 hour. One can put in 2 days a week, each of us according to
his limit, without f ail, but we must take some sort of step, engage
in some sort of operation, in order to build the macro house. If
this consciousness does not prevail, we won't make progress. One of
the important reasons for our assembly is also that we wish to find
persons who won't sell out. Are there such persons in our country?
I am asking you, are there? [shouts of "Yes, yes" in the hall]. Is
there anyone who won't sell out for millions? [shouts of "Yes, thank
God, there are" in the hall]. Let's find those persons. Imagine, there
is nothing more powerful on this earth than a man of ideology. A
hundred men of ideology can overturn mountains. Let's find those
individuals. I'm convinced that they exist in Armenia; they're not
in the political arena; basically there may be exceptions in the
political arena but, for the most part, they are in their homes,
sitting quietly, not saying anything.
Disillusioned, they are caught up in their own hopes/emotions
[indiscernible; similar sounding words in Armenian], both physically
and mentally. Let's find those persons. Our task, the task of this
assembly, is to seek out, discover and, of course, immediately
organize those individuals. I stress again, until we get organized,
no task can move forward. By repeating, "Kocharian, Serge, resign,"
they will not resign; these persons will not resign as a result of
peaceful demonstrations; I assure you, they will not resign because
of external pressure. If we get organized and are able to create a
qualitatively serious force, they will resign. [shouts of "Isn't it
too late?" from the hall] It is never too late, until the point where
we are . . . it's not too late. In terms of our national ideals,
we still have many plans to carry out, and I am optimistic in this
regard. The Artsakh liberation war bears witness to the fact that
we were finally able to turn the wheel of history in the opposite
direction for the first time in 2000 years, and we shall continue to
turn that wheel in that direction.
Of course, we did not wage war in order to see the present-day
situation; we did not wage war for this present-day immoral, hideous,
perverted situation, one in which our people are enslaved, oppressed
and impoverished. This causes us pain, but what can I say?
Perhaps things had to get this bad before we came to our
senses. Perhaps.
Many of my friends made a point of saying, "let's not blame the
ruling authorities." I fully share their opinion. The Robiks
[Roberts] and the Sergiks [Serges] are not to blame; they are
simply the representatives of the dregs of our nation and they are
doing their despicable thing. There's nothing surprising in this,
nor is it blameworthy. We must blame ourselves - Where are we? Why
aren't we getting organized? All of us are generals; each one of us
is a separate general. This is one of our Armenian illnesses. Every
Armenian is a general; indeed, I'm of the opinion that all of us are
this way qualitatively, but let's realize that today we also have a
problem with serving as soldiers.
You're a general but come and say, "My dear friend, at this moment
I have come to serve as a soldier." If we can rediscover this
consciousness in us, our work will move forward. It won't do to
constantly argue with each other, saying, "This is the correct way,
that is the correct way, this won't do, this idea, that idea."
Let's place our trust in a group of men. If you trust in me and have
come here today, then let's continue to maintain that trust and work
together. Let each of us serve within our limits.
My friend forgot to mention that I wished to give the opportunity
for those who have questions to ask them and I'll answer. Let me
express another thought and then we'll move on to questions. Chiefly,
our assembly has two so-called tasks: one is long-range; the other,
short-term. I would qualify the long-range task as strategic, the
short-term one as tactical. The long-term one is for us to be able to
eventually create an ideological army, an idealized political unit,
in our country, in which national-ideological values, national values,
also Christian, spiritual values, which we have inherited from our
forefathers, shall rule. In the final analysis, let me say succinctly:
morality must be pivotal in our ideology, and all our plans must be
derived from morality. I deem that we Armenians are in this shape,
this pitiful situation today not only in Armenia but all over the
world, because we have drifted far from our essence.
Our essence has been morality. I cannot substantiate this in writing,
I feel this genetically, that we Armenians, genetically, thousands
of years ago in our past, our essence was morality. We have strayed,
and that's why we are in this condition today. We have earned our
present-day wretchedness, the present-day slavery of our people. Let's
correct ourselves.
Therefore, the long-range task of this assembly is to eventually start
a national ideological movement, and to tender it with a political
unit, and to gradually solve all our problems. But it can take a few
years for us to accomplish this. Until this takes place, let's not
expect qualitative changes. But we have one most important task,
which is to get rid of these authorities; that is to say, we must
get organized in these next few months to the point where we will be
able to prevent the reproduction of these individuals because if they
become reproduced, we will have serious difficulty in accomplishing
our long-range task. After being reproduced, these monsters will be
much more dangerous. In these next few months, it is very important
for us to become organized. Along with organizing ourselves, why not
also organize the opposition to a certain extent. Let it be such,
that the tactics of struggle waged by the opposition this time around
produce results to a certain extent. Why not, let's imagine that the
more we become organized, the more we can make the opposition see
our point of view, initially by talking to them and, if necessary,
by striking fear in, imposing our will on them as well, why not,
that depends on us.
I can't do anything alone; we can't do anything with fifty people;
we must be numerous, so we can impose our word on the opposition
too. Today we have more to say, and we have more of a task of
explaining, when it comes to the opposition, as opposed to the
authorities. It is meaningless to give qualifications about the
ruling regime, and neither do I want to delve into the awful situation
prevailing in our country today.
I consider it meaningless to enumerate the realms one by one,
because we all know them, and we all agree on them. In this sense,
I can specify one thing, that for the first time the Armenian in
his own country, on his own soil - I'm not a historian, I don't know
if it happened in the past - that the Armenian, for the first time,
is being assimilated on his own soil.
Today, many of our youths are becoming assimilated in Yerevan; they
are growing up as Armenians in name only but they are not Armenians
in essence. This indicates, in my opinion, that the knife has already
reached the bone.
If there are questions, I am prepared to answer them.
Again I wish to touch on the appeals of our friends in the movement:
"let's not spare any means, let's not discriminate among means." I
agree, but let's first get organized. Speaking about us solving
the problem by taking up arms, I find that meaningless. Let's not
speak today about how we will be able to remove these people [from
power], to start with, and then solve serious matters concerning
our country. I want us not to think at all about means in the
coming months, not to discuss means and not argue among ourselves;
let's just get organized. It is meaningless to talk without being
organized. We've been having conversations for ten years and today we
see that every day brings a new group into the political arena. Yes,
those who say, "We should sweep up, wipe the field clean," are
well meaning, but how? Go and wipe it clean, let's see, how are you
going to wipe Robert Kocharian away, how? Who are you fooling? What
are you suggesting? Taking the people to Baghramian Street for the
umpteenth time where they will get beat up again and we won't be able
to defend them? This is literally absurd. I don't wish to criticize
anybody. Rather, I want us, all of us gathered here, to understand
each other, that until we get organized, until we become a few
thousand in number and learn to stand up and sit down like one person,
nothing will happen, we will not be able to do anything. Moreover,
concerning your trust in me, for which I am thankful to all of you,
as well as for your presence here today, I assure you that I am aware
of the responsibility, the load that we shall take upon ourselves,
I am aware of my responsibility, and we shall make this assembly of
ours succeed without fail.
It is possible that we will limp as we walk but we will succeed
without fail. And I am convinced that God is with us.
http://groong.usc.edu/news/msg182171.html
By Armenian Volunteers Unit
AZG Armenian Daily
20/03/2007
Karabakh Issue, Inner Controversies
^_As you know, the first gathering undertaken by the "Hai
Kamavorakanneri Hamakhmbum" [Assembly of Armenian Volunteers]
was followed by the arrests of Jirair Sefilian, the coordinator of
this initiative, and Vardan Malkhasian, a member of the Assembly,
the search of the Assembly's central office, and the interrogation
of certain members.
Presented below is the verbatim transcription of the tape-recorded
speech made by Jirair Sefilian, coordinator of the initiative
known as "Hai Kamavorakanneri Hamakhmbum," at the above-mentioned
gathering. This speech is the basis of the criminal case.
First, I wish to introduce Ara (meeting chair). Arayik Hairapetian
is the son of our killed comrade, Major Hairapetian.
In recent years, generally speaking, we have come forth with
statements basically recalling, accentuating the events pertaining
to the liberated territories. But, as we noted, just with the appeal
of our declaration we have already emerged from those narrow circles
and can conceive of engaging, in every sense, in all national issues
of ours. During those years, many people approached us and asked,
"Boys, is it really true that they [the NKR and/or RA government]
wish to return the territories?" I wish to answer that question now
and thereafter let's agree to not speak about it. There have been
occasions, we have stated through the press, likewise I'm repeating
now; we will smash, crack open the head of whoever dares to surrender
land, and, believe me, there are many individuals in our country who
will do that.
Let's move on. Let's not talk further about the liberated
territories. As our comrade Aghayan stressed, in saying "Hai
Kamavorakan," we do not just mean those having participated in the
war; likewise I wish to underscore that, because that's how we began
our work. We did not start with just participants in the war. Here
I also wish to touch upon this to say that, unfortunately, today we
don't need the majority of the war participants. I say this with much
pain but that is the truth. Namely, the qualitative characteristics of
the war participants are not sufficient for us today in order for us
to be able to win this war. Today we are facing a much more serious,
difficult issue; therefore, our quality must be much higher than what
it was 14 years ago.
Therefore, we must place the emphasis on our becoming
organized. Thoughts were expressed periodically in speeches given here
that "it's enough to talk about what to do. Let's not discriminate
among means." I agree, truly, let's not discriminate, but let's first
become organized. The reason why our country has been in this condition
for these past 14 years is the absence of an organized force, which
is essentially guided by national ideas, national values; such a
force doesn't exist; such an organized force doesn't exist.
There are such individuals; our task is to immediately find, assemble
and organize such persons. We don't see getting organized without
discipline. We must have conscious discipline, the kind we had in 1990,
1988 or 1992, whereby no one forced us to stand in volunteer lines.
I was quite young in 1992; the majority of the members of our
military unit, our detachments, were perhaps twice my age, but I
didn't force those men to come and stand in line before me, they had
come voluntarily, they knew that it wasn't possible to create an army
without standing in line. Today likewise we must achieve that same
emotional state. All of us must reach the point of standing in line. If
we don't get to that emotional state, no task can be accomplished.
As a nation, we have many positive aspects as well as negative aspects,
of course. One of those is that all of us love our own private home -
I'm referring to the micro house - very much. We transform our family
into our fortress; our home is our fortress, and I'm convinced that
this causes great harm in terms of solving our serious national
problems. The time has come for us to consider the macro house - I'm
referring to the fatherland - as our home; namely, as long as we don't
realize that we need to make sacrifices to build the macro house, it is
meaningless to maintain, protect the micro house. It is my conviction
that we, yes, if you please, our family, we Armenians . . . don't
have respect for . . . but without fail we must work for our house,
each one of us according to his ability. One can put in 2 hours a day,
another 1 hour. One can put in 2 days a week, each of us according to
his limit, without f ail, but we must take some sort of step, engage
in some sort of operation, in order to build the macro house. If
this consciousness does not prevail, we won't make progress. One of
the important reasons for our assembly is also that we wish to find
persons who won't sell out. Are there such persons in our country?
I am asking you, are there? [shouts of "Yes, yes" in the hall]. Is
there anyone who won't sell out for millions? [shouts of "Yes, thank
God, there are" in the hall]. Let's find those persons. Imagine, there
is nothing more powerful on this earth than a man of ideology. A
hundred men of ideology can overturn mountains. Let's find those
individuals. I'm convinced that they exist in Armenia; they're not
in the political arena; basically there may be exceptions in the
political arena but, for the most part, they are in their homes,
sitting quietly, not saying anything.
Disillusioned, they are caught up in their own hopes/emotions
[indiscernible; similar sounding words in Armenian], both physically
and mentally. Let's find those persons. Our task, the task of this
assembly, is to seek out, discover and, of course, immediately
organize those individuals. I stress again, until we get organized,
no task can move forward. By repeating, "Kocharian, Serge, resign,"
they will not resign; these persons will not resign as a result of
peaceful demonstrations; I assure you, they will not resign because
of external pressure. If we get organized and are able to create a
qualitatively serious force, they will resign. [shouts of "Isn't it
too late?" from the hall] It is never too late, until the point where
we are . . . it's not too late. In terms of our national ideals,
we still have many plans to carry out, and I am optimistic in this
regard. The Artsakh liberation war bears witness to the fact that
we were finally able to turn the wheel of history in the opposite
direction for the first time in 2000 years, and we shall continue to
turn that wheel in that direction.
Of course, we did not wage war in order to see the present-day
situation; we did not wage war for this present-day immoral, hideous,
perverted situation, one in which our people are enslaved, oppressed
and impoverished. This causes us pain, but what can I say?
Perhaps things had to get this bad before we came to our
senses. Perhaps.
Many of my friends made a point of saying, "let's not blame the
ruling authorities." I fully share their opinion. The Robiks
[Roberts] and the Sergiks [Serges] are not to blame; they are
simply the representatives of the dregs of our nation and they are
doing their despicable thing. There's nothing surprising in this,
nor is it blameworthy. We must blame ourselves - Where are we? Why
aren't we getting organized? All of us are generals; each one of us
is a separate general. This is one of our Armenian illnesses. Every
Armenian is a general; indeed, I'm of the opinion that all of us are
this way qualitatively, but let's realize that today we also have a
problem with serving as soldiers.
You're a general but come and say, "My dear friend, at this moment
I have come to serve as a soldier." If we can rediscover this
consciousness in us, our work will move forward. It won't do to
constantly argue with each other, saying, "This is the correct way,
that is the correct way, this won't do, this idea, that idea."
Let's place our trust in a group of men. If you trust in me and have
come here today, then let's continue to maintain that trust and work
together. Let each of us serve within our limits.
My friend forgot to mention that I wished to give the opportunity
for those who have questions to ask them and I'll answer. Let me
express another thought and then we'll move on to questions. Chiefly,
our assembly has two so-called tasks: one is long-range; the other,
short-term. I would qualify the long-range task as strategic, the
short-term one as tactical. The long-term one is for us to be able to
eventually create an ideological army, an idealized political unit,
in our country, in which national-ideological values, national values,
also Christian, spiritual values, which we have inherited from our
forefathers, shall rule. In the final analysis, let me say succinctly:
morality must be pivotal in our ideology, and all our plans must be
derived from morality. I deem that we Armenians are in this shape,
this pitiful situation today not only in Armenia but all over the
world, because we have drifted far from our essence.
Our essence has been morality. I cannot substantiate this in writing,
I feel this genetically, that we Armenians, genetically, thousands
of years ago in our past, our essence was morality. We have strayed,
and that's why we are in this condition today. We have earned our
present-day wretchedness, the present-day slavery of our people. Let's
correct ourselves.
Therefore, the long-range task of this assembly is to eventually start
a national ideological movement, and to tender it with a political
unit, and to gradually solve all our problems. But it can take a few
years for us to accomplish this. Until this takes place, let's not
expect qualitative changes. But we have one most important task,
which is to get rid of these authorities; that is to say, we must
get organized in these next few months to the point where we will be
able to prevent the reproduction of these individuals because if they
become reproduced, we will have serious difficulty in accomplishing
our long-range task. After being reproduced, these monsters will be
much more dangerous. In these next few months, it is very important
for us to become organized. Along with organizing ourselves, why not
also organize the opposition to a certain extent. Let it be such,
that the tactics of struggle waged by the opposition this time around
produce results to a certain extent. Why not, let's imagine that the
more we become organized, the more we can make the opposition see
our point of view, initially by talking to them and, if necessary,
by striking fear in, imposing our will on them as well, why not,
that depends on us.
I can't do anything alone; we can't do anything with fifty people;
we must be numerous, so we can impose our word on the opposition
too. Today we have more to say, and we have more of a task of
explaining, when it comes to the opposition, as opposed to the
authorities. It is meaningless to give qualifications about the
ruling regime, and neither do I want to delve into the awful situation
prevailing in our country today.
I consider it meaningless to enumerate the realms one by one,
because we all know them, and we all agree on them. In this sense,
I can specify one thing, that for the first time the Armenian in
his own country, on his own soil - I'm not a historian, I don't know
if it happened in the past - that the Armenian, for the first time,
is being assimilated on his own soil.
Today, many of our youths are becoming assimilated in Yerevan; they
are growing up as Armenians in name only but they are not Armenians
in essence. This indicates, in my opinion, that the knife has already
reached the bone.
If there are questions, I am prepared to answer them.
Again I wish to touch on the appeals of our friends in the movement:
"let's not spare any means, let's not discriminate among means." I
agree, but let's first get organized. Speaking about us solving
the problem by taking up arms, I find that meaningless. Let's not
speak today about how we will be able to remove these people [from
power], to start with, and then solve serious matters concerning
our country. I want us not to think at all about means in the
coming months, not to discuss means and not argue among ourselves;
let's just get organized. It is meaningless to talk without being
organized. We've been having conversations for ten years and today we
see that every day brings a new group into the political arena. Yes,
those who say, "We should sweep up, wipe the field clean," are
well meaning, but how? Go and wipe it clean, let's see, how are you
going to wipe Robert Kocharian away, how? Who are you fooling? What
are you suggesting? Taking the people to Baghramian Street for the
umpteenth time where they will get beat up again and we won't be able
to defend them? This is literally absurd. I don't wish to criticize
anybody. Rather, I want us, all of us gathered here, to understand
each other, that until we get organized, until we become a few
thousand in number and learn to stand up and sit down like one person,
nothing will happen, we will not be able to do anything. Moreover,
concerning your trust in me, for which I am thankful to all of you,
as well as for your presence here today, I assure you that I am aware
of the responsibility, the load that we shall take upon ourselves,
I am aware of my responsibility, and we shall make this assembly of
ours succeed without fail.
It is possible that we will limp as we walk but we will succeed
without fail. And I am convinced that God is with us.
http://groong.usc.edu/news/msg182171.html
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