Raffi K. Hovannisian's State-of-the-state Address

[Gavur]

Noyan Tapan Highlights" N43 (595)
October, 2005


October 24, 2005

RAFFI K. HOVANNISIAN'S STATE-OF-THE-STATE ADDRESS

HERITAGE PARTY THIRD CONGRESS

May 30, 2005
Yerevan


They are born to prove,
That the end becomes a beginning somewhere.

They are born to prove,
That there is no miracle,
There is only necessity.
They are born to prove,
That all bravery starts,
Where every means comes to an end.
Paruir Sevak


Distinguished delegates and guests,
Ladies and gentlemen:

I am thankful for the warm words and good wishes expressed from this high
podium. I am also grateful for the huge and inspiring confidence shown by
the Congress' honorable delegates who have nominated me for the responsible
position of Chairman of the Heritage Party. I feel obliged to carry the
high mission of serving the Motherland with united force, a responsibility
left us by our forebears, a calling which contemporary demand has made the
order of the day.

The wealth of the Armenian people's centuries-old civilization, a richness
that has passed from one generation to the next, today reaches us like a
golden river. It nourishes us stream by stream, and makes us rightfully
proud of our ancestors' heroic deeds and creative talent. It reminds us of
the words of the great Father of History, Moses of Khoren: "Although we are
a small flower bed in limited number and on many occasions we have fallen
under the rule of foreign empires, there are nevertheless brave deeds in our
world, deeds which are worthy of recording and commemorating."

HERITAGE'S HOUR

It is our supreme duty to assume that legacy. I am proud and confident that
the joy and readiness of accepting it abide among the determined souls who
have gathered in this hall; that none of us is alone, privileged, or
subordinate. I am happy that, by its name and mission alike, the political
force which has moved to take charge of the light and darkness, the pomp and
misery of our past and present as one inseparable whole, is in tune with the
order of the day: to become master of Armenia's heritage. It is necessary
to reassess it, at once laying today the foundations of the desirable
tomorrow and bequeathing to the generations to come a perpetual and proud
new legacy: a free, independent, renewed, and prosperous Armenia. This is
our collective priority: Let us build our tomorrow today. Let us build it
without either disowning or unduly advertising our both rich and difficult
heritage. Let us create it, not by means of lofty promises or charming
speeches, but through daily hard work and diligence. And let us always
remember the true words spoken by ?former US president Teddy Roosevelt: "It
is not the critic who counts... The credit belongs to the man who is
actually in the arena; whose face is marred by the dust and sweat and blood;
who, at the best, knows in the end the triumph of high achievement, and who,
at worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly; so that his
place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither
victory nor defeat."

Dear compatriots,

Heritage's current Congress is being convened during a month which is
definitively symbolic for the Armenian people. May is the month of the
Battle of Avarair, the struggle for our national identity. It was the
result of the triumph at the Battle of Sardarapat in May 1918 and similar
heroic battles that finally, after struggling and suffering through the
centuries, by the blood of its liberty-loving sons the Armenian people
united to regain its independence on May 28. And in 1945, hundreds of
thousands of Armenians took their rightful part in the victory over fascism.
That too was in May, our indelibly-etched May 9, which also marks the
landmark liberation of Armenian Shushi. Glory to all those heroes, one of
whom, General Arkadiy Ter-Tadevosian, is among our Congress' guests of
honor. Freedom-craving Artsakh's courageous sons, Marshals Hovhannes
Baghramian, Hamazasp Babadjanian, Sergey Khoudiakov-Khanperiants, and
Admiral Hovhannes Isakov were on the first lines of offense against the
pestilence of fascism. In achieving victory, it was the national spirit and
the historic memory of their genocide-subjected Motherland which gave them
strength. Armenians, and particularly the Artsakh Armenians, knew very well
the price being "paid," because they were living not only in a huge empire
but, much worse, in a small "subordinate empire" formed within the Soviet
Union. At the sunset of the USSR, shoulder to shoulder with their country,
these heroic Armenians shattered the chains of dictatorship. And at that
pivotal time for Artsakh's survival, which again was in May, the Armenians'
powerful defense brought the aggressive empire to its knees. And yet it
preferred peace; we all remember that on May 12, 1994, Azerbaijan was
compelled to sign a ceasefire accord with the Republics of Armenia and
Mountainous Karabagh. Through that agreement, a fragile peace is maintained
at the Azerbaijani-Karabagh line of contact to this day.

And so May is a month of survival and redemption, of peace and rediscovery
of our national character. But together with that historical heritage, we
have the sanctified tombs of our martyrs, we have Yerablur, another
oppressive yet compelling, bitter yet heroic heritage, a legacy that
motivates new feats for the building of peace--in eternal memory of the
fallen and for the longevity of the living. In a moment of silence, let us
pay our respects to all of our heroes, both famous and unsung, who have made
the ultimate sacrifice for the Homeland and the dignified continuity of its
generations.

History is an organically-linked and tightly-braided weave which relates a
variety of episodes from the heroic, everyday, and sometimes even unwanted
realities of our people. It is time for us to accept our history as it is,
without attaching a deadly stigma to any of its pages or proclaiming any
portion of the historic legacy unacceptable. Unfortunately, the opposite
trend often looks for fertile soil among us. By seeing it merely as a gift
of destiny, we should not reject the first Republic of Armenia, which became
the pioneer of our enduring survival. We should not issue a blanket
condemnation of Soviet Armenia, renouncing the traditional good that
remained both from it and its dissident movement. And we should not defame
the present, despite its many vices. Had the first Republic of Armenia not
existed, then the second Republic would have not come to be. And then, just
like others, we too could at best have been an autonomous area inside the
Soviet Union, always longing for liberty and independence. Even as part of
the Soviet Union, its imperialistic symptoms, nation-assimilating policies,
and the cruel forced exile of 1937 notwithstanding, we once again found
ourselves, our national spirit, and our special way to enrich our heritage
and make our country prosper. At the very beginning, we were weak and could
not prevent Mountainous Karabagh's and Nakhichevan's unjust alienation from
Armenia. However, toward the middle of the Soviet empire's lifespan the
people stood tall upon its land, and during the time of the USSR's collapse
rediscovered the temporarily-lost values of its National Will. The
precedent of the first Republic of Armenia and the longing for a sovereignty
cut short were at the very heart of the contemporary movement for Armenia
and Karabagh. And, indeed, there was the necessary grounding for the
independence of Soviet Armenia: that was the legal opportunity afforded by
the USSR. This is why I underscore the unbreakable connection among all of
Armenia's republics and, while encouraging self-criticism, stand against the
division of history or the historic heritage. In this light, we are at once
conservative and progressive. I want to believe that my Heritage colleagues
join in this judgment of history.

This is but a part of our heritage, and the nation perceives and remembers
it in its entirety. Both in 1998 and 1999, some questioned the people's
vote for Karen Demirchian who had earned the popular title of "builder."
But the reason was simple: in the days of the Soviet empire he developed his
country to the extent possible and in the way that he pictured it, and in
1988 he understood that the will of the people was paramount and hence gave
in to it. Subsequently, some people were "astonished" at the enthusiasm
over the "Unity" alliance led by Mr. Demirchian and Vazgen Sargsian, the
modern-day Sparapet, or Supreme Commander, of all Armenians. Once again,
the explanation is evident: they were the reflectors, builders, and
defenders of the legacy reserved for their time. Consequently, it is all
the same; political distinctions and demarcations notwithstanding, the
people will remember, revere, and learn from all the devoted guardians, old
and new, of Armenia's heritage--Aram Manukian, Garegin Nzhdeh, Andranik,
Dro, beloved Catholicoi Vazgen I and Karekin I, as well as Karen Demirchian,
Vazgen Sargsian, Yuri Bakhshian, Ruben Miroyan, Mikael Kotanian, Armenak
Armenakian, Henrik Abrahamian, and Leonard Petrosian who fell to the bullets
of criminal cowards at the National Assembly on October 27, 1999.

Today, it is a joyous occasion for us, the members of Heritage, to welcome
Greta Mairik (Mother), who gave life to the Sparapet of an entire nation.
It fills us with emotion and hope to see among our ranks the honorable
Anahit, Yuri Bakhshian's comrade-in-principles and beloved partner in life.
Let us pay our respects to them once more and receive strength from all of
our martyrs, whose spirit continues to soar above the Armenian world.

Yes, complete with its accomplishments and setbacks, our heritage is indeed
one common essence. And the important thing is that by respecting and
tolerating, helping and supporting one another, we, the bearers of that
heritage, must likewise see ourselves as one interconnected entity with
common aims and aspirations: Armenia's strengthening, democratization, real
independence, and the welfare of man and woman alike. Once and forever, the
success of each individual must accrue to all, and the triumph of all must
belong to each and every one of us.

In history, there are no sole owners of national heritage. All of us,
together, hold the measure of our historic pulse. We are the masters of
this remaining piece of land called Motherland; we are the scribes of a
living past called history; and we are the keepers of a national treasure
called culture. The cornerstones for all this are our national spirit and
the heritage that guides our potential for power. I see Heritage at the
forefront of those forces which bear an unshakable national will that
nourishes and empowers, which consolidate our statehood--the main political
institution guaranteeing our collective liberty, independence, and
sovereignty--and which unconditionally serve the interests of every citizen,
all the people, and the entire nation.

Our primary duty is to make each citizen of Armenia become the master and
carrier of the heritage left to the current generation, so that he might
defend, cherish, and enrich this legacy with his own strength, mind, might,
and unshakable dedication. This is the truth, and no matter how easy the
solution might seem, it still requires perseverance, willpower, prudence,
wisdom, and unity. And all of this today, otherwise it will be too late,
because time is crucial in this continuously changing world where each and
everyone is in such a hurry. We have no right to delay; delaying is
tantamount to decisive surrender. But let us not forget these wise words
either: "Time is precious, but what is more precious is the truth."

Precious friends at arms,

Today, in proposing my chairmanship, you delegate to me the difficult but
honorable task of surmounting these problems. And if my thoughts coincide
with your own concerns, then we are companions made for each other and for
our common quest. Holding that belief, I trust I have your full support and
undivided solidarity. This would allow us together to realize the supreme
mission of passing down our heritage to its rightful owners, the people, so
that they will finally receive all that which really belongs to them, and
not to a few high-level personalities who see themselves as privileged and
who have "privatized" the domain of the nation. Our principal duty is
ourselves preventing the pillage of our heritage or at least clearing the
road for those who can. And if that calling has fallen upon us, then let us
provide our answer. Is there a committed determination to solve the
multitude of accumulated problems? And are we ready to combine forces to
overcome the impediments that lie ahead? It was William Penn who said: "No
pain, no palm; no thorns, no throne; no gall, no glory; no cross, no crown."

[Gavur]

continued...

OUR CREED

Standing at the juncture of this fateful mission, I see my role first in
returning to the people the sense of higher values--Motherland, nation,
statehood, and the human citizen. Accordingly, Armenia's domestic and
foreign policy must be anchored in the Armenian Republic's sovereignty, the
nation's unity, the citizen's liberty, and the rule of his rights. Now,
allow me to outline the bases of the Heritage program.

Nationwide, we transform our Homeland from being an instrument for personal
use to a dynamic force on the path of faith, hope, commitment, and truth.
Its boundless essence is empowering, and our reverence toward it sacred and
unconditional. This is the criterion for all spheres of life--spiritual,
national, societal, family, and individual.

Liberty, both personal and collective, for all elements of society, is the
value supreme. Without liberty there can be no real development or
security, knowledge or creativity, tiller or intellectual, village or town,
dignity or future.

The president is the carrier of trust of the body politic, the pointer of
the way, shareholder in the common destiny. The president does not bear
false witness to the people, who are the source of his authority. He
contemplates no interest other than that of the nation. He is accountable
to the public and in communication with it. He is answerable with his
honor, his name, his life, before the law. The office of the President is
not a gift to one's own self.

All branches of power must be distinctly separated yet united in the duty to
guarantee freedom for the country and its citizens. The citizen,
individually and as a controlling concept, deserves full respect and,
together with the president, is subject to the rule of law alone. The
executive, legislative, judicial, and unfettered informational estates are,
in check and in balance, guided by this principle.

The government, in coordinating the domains that touch upon the national
interest and that require federal concern, is the foremost facilitator of
civil liberties. It is streamlined, flexible, rapidly responsive, and free
of extraneous, burdensome bureaucracy. The provincial governors, the mayors
of Yerevan and other cities, and local self-governance structures must be
elected and subjected to compulsory electoral recall. In each and every
field of public service, the official treats the citizen with due regard,
applying rules and regulations equally to friends and strangers. The
official is professional and courteous, conscientious and adequately paid.
Diligent performance of his or her authorized duties is an essential part of
the normal daily work. Any violation of ethics or any conflict of interest,
whether derived from good or from selfish intention, is subject to the
highest measure of liability provided by law. In terms of surmounting
corruption, what is needed are personal example; political will; amendment
of legislation to enable the formation of an independent investigative and
prosecutorial body that starts with the presidency and moves down through
every nook and cranny of the administration and society; application of
mechanisms for citizen empowerment and public oversight; and finally, broad
popular support to stand together against the inevitable reactions of
violence from affected quarters both in and out of government.

The economy is a country's unique equation of national and free-market
relations. Self-serving or rhetorical attempts to bring these two
components into conflict are artificial and lacking in integrity. A strong,
developing, competitive economy correlates inherently with global systems,
at once maintaining its own profile and dynamic. In this arena as well,
liberty is key, and the government endeavors at capacity to guarantee the
right of free economic activity under the law. Tax rates reflect the most
modest necessities of national and local budgets, not the immodest appetites
of individual officials. Every one pays taxes pursuant to law, and rates
decrease as collection becomes universal. Corruption, in all forms and
manifestations, is prosecuted with the ultimate legal gravity. All this
assumes a new system of democratic governance, which also facilitates the
entrance of newcomers into the market, protects all legal investments and
enterprises, and establishes a reliable infrastructure of guarantees for
Armenian and other investors.

Science, education, modern technologies, national culture and sport no
longer are mere items on populist political platforms. They are realms of
individual and group discovery, and intersections between traditional values
and current conditions, which comprehend both the perils of just marking
time and the unlimited potential for progress and development in the
millennium. Armenia indeed enjoys all the prerequisites for becoming the
regional center for high technology. These and related areas become the
competitive field where Armenia's new generation stakes its claim, hoists
the flag, and radiates its pride. It is time to prepare the ground for this
by way of a multidisciplinary strategy anchored in individual initiative and
state support.

National security and international relations are interconnected concepts,
neither of them an end unto itself but rather both as avenues to secure
private freedoms and public aims. It is here that the state's sovereignty
and the nation's interest are paramount priorities. Whatever is required to
defend our newly recovered sovereignty and to realize our vital interest
becomes the sole decisive standard, deeply rooted and always stable. The
institutional warranty of this national imperative is our compact armed
forces; its basis and solidarity is society itself, unarmed but well
protected. Armenia and the Armenian people are prepared to address matters
of historical justice and modern controversy in an open, genuine, and
purposeful manner. We are ready and waiting--with one and with all. Any
peace program, economic incentive, prospect for cooperation is neither
objective nor realistic without a comprehensive resolution of divisive
issues, albeit brought to bear in gradual implementation. Fully cognizant
of our rights and interests, we wish well to others near and far.
The internal status quo, on the other hand, calls for immediate change.
Armenia is master of a unique identity forged through a long history and now
possessing a contemporary agenda. It is indeed a complex identity, God and
us as witnesses. A rich cultural heritage; fateful orientations dictated by
the strategic geopolitical contours of the Armenian Plateau; Genocide
notwithstanding, the aspiration to normalcy and good relations with all
neighbors; Asian correlations and Middle Eastern derivations; Slavic-Soviet
birthmarks turned fraternal; and, significantly, the espousal of enlightened
European and fundamental human values. In these niches of identity, we seek
neither enemy nor scapegoat. Simply, we are preserving what is our own. If
we have failed or if we have been deceived, we are at fault; and when we
have conducted ourselves correctly, we have been worthy of credit.

Distinguished delegates, guests, ladies and gentlemen,

Since 2003, the current administration unfortunately has squandered all
available opportunities to achieve the necessary breakthrough and to muster
the nation's potential, and it has missed all terms and conditions of
accreditation. Today, a fundamentally new quality of governance and
essential value changes in all directions, both horizontal and vertical, are
compulsory for Armenia. It has been said that "the one who holds power
always has to remember three things: First, he is the ruler of people;
second, he is the ruler under the yoke of law; and third, he will not rule
forever." Neither a continuation of the destructive inertia of the current
state of affairs, nor a mechanical change of power, nor even a photocopied
revolution can serve as a true alternative for our state system. The top
imperative on Armenia's agenda is a system-wide democratic transformation of
its civil, national, and state bodies and institutions, particularly now and
for the new era's full duration.

HOMECOMING

As the saying goes, "No fortress can be compared with the people's trust."
If people were given the opportunity to form their own government, if our
ship of state were anchored in the collective will, then today the gap
between society and authority, the mutual disdain and distrust would all be
ruled out. Returning power to the people is not an end unto itself. That
is the only way for the body public, whether tiller or teacher, peasant or
intellectual, laborer or scientist, to become the master of its own rights,
destiny, Motherland, and heritage entire.

Under the current conditions in which society is widely disregarded and
alienated, when instead of "by the people" elections are held according to
customs and "mentalities" of vice and because of which people vote "with
their feet" by taking the road to exodus, we cannot play even the smallest
role in the region, find our place under the sun, and stop an emigration
flow that now threatens national security. I attach importance to two
supreme goals which are closely interconnected in this sense: Homecoming and
National Revival.

Dear friends,

You know that I "returned home" in 1990, when Armenia's independence was not
yet declared. Even then, however, I deeply believed this to be inevitable.
I came back also in order to quench my longing for our ancient land and to
make my long-standing aspiration to become a proud citizen of the Republic
of Armenia come true. Back when I was a child, the yearning for a statehood
once lost, the belief in its restoration and commitment to fight for it were
imparted to me by my grandfathers Kaspar, who served with General Andranik,
and Hovakim, a volunteer in Keri's 4th Brigade, and my patriotic
grandmothers Khnkeni Kotcholosian and Siroon Hovannisian. My parents
Richard and Vartiter played an immeasurable part in the choosing of my life'
s path and the forming of my worldview. Growing up in a family of renowned
intellectuals, a historian and a physician, I learned early on to examine
every given subject analytically, to approach it with a comprehensive view
crystallized by a free competition of rational options, well-measured
responsibility and collective creativity, and never to come up with hasty
decisions. It was perhaps the counsel of my elders which nudged me toward
the double specializations of Armenian History and Near Eastern Studies at
the University of California. Upon graduation I studied at the Fletcher
School of Law and Diplomacy, where I became strongly interested in law and
rights, diplomacy and the foreign policies of communist countries. With my
father's record as guide, I wanted to find my Motherland in history and in
reality, and to learn about it as much and as profoundly as possible. Ever
since my first visit to Armenia in 1970, I have desired and then lived the
joy of coming home, knowing full well that the same return is cherished by
thousands of Armenian families across the world.

Fortunately, the "iron curtain" of the Soviet empire exists no more.
However, there are other large and small "curtains" which have been, and are
currently being, myopically raised by the country's authorities, thus
causing artificial hardships for all homecomers--whether they are current or
former citizens of Armenia, Eastern or Western Armenians, American-born or
Russian-speaking, whether Apostolic, Catholic, Protestant, or from Hamshen.
And what is left is simply to admonish in Balzac fashion that "authority
makes only the great ones grow, and leaves ordinary people as they are in
nature." This matter requires a complex solution, and it must be resolved
by our generation.

Undoubtedly, that which keeps us Armenian is the family, which also is the
foundation for the strength of state. The Armenian family of today is
living in the hardest of times. Because of the dire social conditions, many
traditionally strong Armenian families either have fallen apart or are on
the verge of collapse. Many fathers and even mothers are wandering about
foreign countries with the hope of supporting their families from abroad,
and the critical concern of raising the children is left to the whims of
chance. The way out is not only in the creation of dignified work
conditions, but also the establishment of justice and the rule of law and
the erection of public barriers against the country's endemic corruption and
the criminal elements that have become one with the authorities. The nation
's revival and its grand homecoming can be guaranteed only in this way.
Today more than ever, we also need a unique spiritual homecoming, a
renaissance of the values of our ancient faith, culture, and civilization,
which would then enable the assumption and realization of an altogether
modern mission in the region and beyond.

WE IN OUR PLACE

In this context, I would like to say a few words on the imperative of
reassessing our place and role in the region and evaluating the current
problems under the scope of the solutions offered by today's civilized
world. The wars, genocides, and conflicts in the region have, in varying
degrees, distanced us from one another. And despite occasional attempts to
escape from home and set sights on other parts of the planet, we all
continue to live in the same geographic home. There have been and always
will be divisive issues. All we have to do is to find the strength to solve
those issues ourselves, without waiting for others to impose solutions on us
or to establish in our place law and order in the Caucasus.

It appears that each of us, in our own way, has become a hostage of
historical mistakes. Some are afraid of the past, some of the future, and
some of the shadows of both. The reality, however, is that unreconciled
conflicts and disputes existing in the region are our common legacy, and we
are its masters. Consequently, with united force, our country and its
neighbors must fill the gaps left throughout history and not redirect them
to the generations next in line. It is appropriate now to outline a draft
resolution of the Mountainous Karabagh conflict, which I have set forth in a
ten-point plan. It is my conviction that reaching mutual agreement on them
will trigger the possibility to resolve all outstanding problems connected
with regional security and cooperation, guarantees for lasting peace,
uninterrupted operation of transport and communication avenues, and the
return of refugees from all sides. Those points of departure are as
follows:

[Gavur]

continued...

First: Respecting Artsakh's right to freedom, self-determination, and
decolonization without predetermining its final international status. The
Republic of Mountainous Karabagh is self-determined in correspondence with
all criteria of international law. Sound reasoning reminds us that
Mountainous Karabagh's past status cannot be seen as a benchmark for
tomorrow. Accordingly, it is not necessary to predetermine Artsakh's final
international status. Stating that independence cannot be recognized and
instead spreading militaristic propaganda, as Azerbaijan does, means from
the outset rejecting the Artsakh Armenians and the authorities representing
them. It is crystal clear that choosing such an avenue is tantamount to
leading the negotiations to an impasse. Our task is to rule out recurrence
of past precedents and to have confidence in the process. And if despite
all this Baku continues to demonstrate an impetuous demeanor or show its
teeth, then official Yerevan's formal recognition of the Republic of
Mountainous Karabagh should not be excluded.

Second: Securing Mountainous Karabagh's participation in the process set to
determine its future. Sooner or later everyone will come to understand that
the solution will not become a reality as long as Mountainous Karabagh does
not participate in the discussions entailing its future. At least history
has proven that no matter how much some want to disregard it, Artsakh is a
player nonetheless. If democracy is to be our way of life, then the logic
of democratic processes must be respected, and this logic presumes
participation of all parties. And it is not too difficult to grasp that
Artsakh as a separate party must likewise be incorporated into the talks.
History does not obligate, but rather reminds us that there are no
recognized or unrecognized states. They either exist or do not exist. It is
one or the other.

Third: As a small step to promote mutual trust, proposing the exchange of a
portion of Fizuli with eastern Martuni and northern Martakert, both of which
to this day remain under Azerbaijani occupation. Consequently, the
demilitarization process and the return of refugees that would follow could
turn into a unique, real, and psychological trigger to a precedent for
peace.

Fourth: In case of success, continuing with the exchange of Shahumian and
Getashen for a commensurate section of Aghdam.

Fifth: With the combined efforts of international monitors, opening routes
leading to international communication pathways, thus connecting the Caspian
Sea, Azerbaijan, Artsakh, Armenia, Nakhichevan, Turkey, and the Black Sea.
The terms of operation for all those avenues, from beginning to end, must be
agreed and governed according to one uniform supervisory authority. By
deliberately keeping the borders closed, the regional countries must not
become an impediment to their own and others' progress. By bringing their
share in regulating relations, open roads will also steer new domestic
interests toward economic development.

Sixth: In the meantime, clarifying the possibilities for filing a legal
action with the International Court of Justice. Understandably, the
question of rights should be resolved in the political arena. Nonetheless,
we should also not rule out the favorable implementation of other methods,
especially under the light of the "law-based" rhetoric periodically voiced
by Azerbaijan and Turkey. And the ground for this starting point is the
determination of tribunals and preparation of the relevant files.

Seventh: Ensuring democratic elections in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Artsakh.
A number of pivotal provisions which have proven their validity throughout
history should be considered with this issue, which is no less urgent than
all the previous points. Democratic elections mean a mandate based on
public confidence. Leaders who are elected in this way would disperse
public distrust, and all solutions would be examined with them openly and
publicly. When calling for democratic elections, we of course mean the
establishment of democracy in the three countries, and it is this culture
that would resolve all kinds of confrontations without violence or
violation. Democracy, on the other hand, is a multi-participatory process,
and when searching for alternative solutions, it allows for the
representation of the interests of all groups. And such solution is a
warranty for stable and enduring peace.

Eighth: Establishing diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia.
Perceived as almost the same entity as Azerbaijan and seen as one of the
conflicting parties, Turkey, most unfortunately, has adopted a biased stance
since 1990. I will discuss the intricacies of Armenian-Turkish relations
later on, but for now I would merely say that such a stance by Turkey, which
is one of the region's important players, does not at all favor the
resolution of the problem of mutual Armenian-Azerbaijani mistrust and the
overcoming of existing and potential strains. It is manifest that when it
comes to Mountainous Karabagh, it is virtually impossible to find a firm,
lasting, and equitable solution without parallel regulation of the landmark
relationship, or lack thereof, between Armenia and Turkey. This regulation
should be based on the acknowledgment of history and contemporary values.

In this connection, I attach importance to the ninth point which is derived
from the mutual trust that diplomatic relations entail, that is, the final
resolution of all outstanding communication, economic, ethical, ethnic,
legal, territorial, and border issues which still remain among Turkey,
Armenia, Azerbaijan, and the Republic of Mountainous Karabagh. This
requires of all sides a mature commitment to sealing a comprehensive
regional conciliation.

And lastly, based on the foregoing, guaranteeing the rightful return of all
refugees and their heirs to their places of origin: Azerbaijan, Artsakh,
Nakhichevan, Armenia, and Turkey. It is an evident truth that the road
toward resolving the Mountainous Karabagh conflict and settling the
Armenian-Turkish relationship passes through mutual trust. And one such
step in that direction should be the guaranteed right of a safe return for
refugees and their progeny. And I mean refugees of all nationalities. The
Azerbaijanis must be given the chance to return to their places of origin in
the Republic of Mountainous Karabagh and surrounding areas. And
concurrently, the Armenians also must have the right to return to their
homes in all relevant directions, including Artsvashen, Gardmank, and
elsewhere under the control of the Azerbaijani armed forces. And finally,
this accord must likewise guarantee the rightful return of refugees and
their heirs to their historic homeland situated in the contemporary
territory of Turkey. If this matter encompasses only one group or
direction, then the question of other groups or directions must also be
clearly addressed. Through gradual but coordinated steps, all sides which
once were seen as a source of regional danger and violence must now prove
that they are prepared to be tolerant toward others, including the smallest
of units. Only then will reciprocal faith and common confidence be
restored.

These approaches are mutual concessions; they are constructive and in the
interests and aspirations of the conflicting countries and the international
community. Hence they are realistic, honest, and in the spirit of the third
millennium. It is unfortunate, however, that in the freedom-loving world,
including in Europe, the challenges and aspirations of the liberty-longing
Armenians of Artsakh are sometimes improperly understood or reflected upon
in various reports and policy presentations. It follows that we need to
ponder and formulate an all-inclusive doctrine; we do not need to be cunning
and deceitful, or turn Armenian society against the international community,
which in turn leads to Armenia's disappointment in the world's indifference
to our trials and tribulations and the triumph of historical justice.
However, in order to prevent our tragic history's repetition in the new
millennium, the very same united Europe is now making an attempt to avoid
the bitter experiences of the 20th century. And at times we even bear
witness to how Europe attempts to offer new solutions to the major mistakes
of the past. And within that framework, the Armenians of Artsakh must also
come out and seek justified answers which, of course, might be various.

All that remains is a realistic approach by all the parties which, judging
by the modern-day propaganda machine of Azerbaijan and Turkey, is currently
absent. When it comes to war, we must demonstrate time and again that
Armenia is never the aggressor and will always take the initiative for the
sake of peace.

Together with my family, friends, and Anahit Bakhshian, I recently visited
the corridor situated between the Republics of Armenia and Mountainous
Karabagh which had been liberated from a regime of peril, horror, and
cluster bombings. It is hard to convey the feeling of pride we felt at the
heroic deeds of the Motherland's courageous sons who defended the Armenian
identity in that forgotten corner of our patrimony. We marveled at the
bravery and spirit of those few who are living there today, in a corner of
their historical homeland. However, admiration aside, there were many
problems as well: the inhabitants receive little public attention, living
conditions are harsh, and it was repeatedly painful yet understandable that
their Azerbaijani neighbors are not there. It was so fulfilling to see that
in contrast with Armenian historical monuments that are "in captivity"
within the frontiers of unfriendly neighbors, the cemeteries and monuments
abandoned by the Azerbaijanis have remained intact and untouched. We
Armenians are not perfect either, but when compared with Turkey, Azerbaijan,
and Nakhichevan, we obviously are more tolerant and respectful not only of
our own, but also of the historic memory and cultural heritage of others.

THE BOTTOM LINE

I would now like to speak about the future of the Armenian-Turkish
relationship. The Armenian Genocide and its final act turned ninety last
month. The lack of recognition, redemption, and "closure" for this defining
watershed for Armenians and Turks alike has been driven by power politics
and the hedging of history, aggressive revisionism and a strategic
incapacity of the perpetrators, the victims, and their generations to call
it like it is and move beyond.

The lessons, risks, and dangers flowing from the Genocide and its
contemporary continuation are all the more poignant because the Armenian
case was not only the physical murder of most individuals making up the
nation, but also the violent interruption of its way of life, and forcible
expropriation of its homeland of three millennia. This stands in sharp
contrast with the Holocaust and accounts in part for the denialist behavior
of the Ottoman Empire's successor regime, the quest for justice and personal
integrity of the battered and scattered Armenian survivors, and the
vicissitudes of international diplomacy.

The legal, ethical, educational, material, and territorial components of
this landmark catastrophe have proved too complex a challenge for any party
or power to meet. It is the truly unique underpinning of the Armenian
experience that accounts in large measure for why a historical,
world-documented nation-killing remains in suspense to this day and
continues to serve as an instrument for polemics, politics, and a variety of
"national interests."

The absence of a meeting of modern Turkish and Armenian hearts and minds
means a history that is off limits but ever present, a frontier that is
undelimited but closed, and a relationship (or lack thereof) that is hostage
to the heritage of homeland genocide. It is this very relationship between
Turkey and Armenia and their constituencies that is the key to creating a
brave new region where the interests of all players converge to form a
single page of security and development. And if honestly and efficiently
forged, it is this relationship that should become the foundation for the
strengthening of respective sovereignties, for cooperation in matters of
education, culture and historical preservation, for an enduring peace in
Karabagh, Nakhichevan, and the broader neighborhood, for open roads, skies
and seas, and for the guaranteed choice of a rightful return of all refugees
and their progeny to their places of origin.

As it stands, however, an unrequited past still doubles as an unsettled
present, leaving unchecked and unpredictable the many future impediments to
peace, stability, and reconciliation. How long can this commingling of
tenses go on? How can all concerned frame a process for a resolution of
substance? Can the heirs to Turkish perpetration translate self-interest
into seeking atonement, and can the descendants of the great Armenian
dispossession agree to move on? Will our children ever see the light, let
alone reflect back from the heights of the post-Genocide world?

Turkey's and Armenia's initially separate paths to European integration
might provide them one, perhaps penultimate opportunity against their own
odds, to assume history, draw the line, and embrace a promising epoch as
sound, if unlikely partners in regional and global affairs. New benchmarks,
new leaders, and a new discourse are in order.

Continued official denialism notwithstanding, there has emerged in Turkey
today a voice, still in the vast minority, seeking a brave reexamination of
Turkish history, the foundations of the modern Turkish state, and
Turkish-Armenian relations in particular. These beginnings of a crack in
the official wall of silence are gradually approaching the seminal
crossroads of the Armenian Genocide. Unbeknown to them, this follows in the
exceptional tradition of thousands of Turkish families who in 1915, at the
risk of losing their own lives, endeavored to hide and save individual
Armenians from certain death. My grandmother owed her life to one such
righteous family of heroes, who to this day remain unsung because of the
official Turkish dialectic.

Whether in Turkey or abroad, this new generation of compelling, liberated
Turkish thought should be engaged on all levels. And yes, the potential
Turkish and Armenian accession to the European Union should become the major
causal thoroughfare for a truly European state coming to terms with history,
a settlement of accounts, an inevitable normalization, and the joining of
forces for regional security and cooperation--both as neighbors and as
members of the EU. No one should be the odd man out.

Turkey and its people might properly assume this higher mission by looking
truth in the eye and daring to turn a new page in Turkish-Armenian
relations. We wish them every success and self-confidence in bridging this
most monumental divide of their modern history. Apart but always in
balance, independent Armenia and its people the world over must be strong
and steady enough to stay the course, shed their light all about, and attain
the redemptive day of truth's triumph--with distinction, determination, and
dignity.

[Gavur]

continued...

Fellow citizens,

As long as it has not surmounted its domestic problems, Armenia will never
be capable of adequately responding to the multitude of challenges it
currently faces. I approach with reticence the distinctions made between
foreign and domestic politics and the differentiation between Karabagh and
Armenian-Turkish policy. There is only one viable diplomacy, which is
far-sighted, effective, and broadly planned, a diplomacy that is based on
Armenia's vital interests and the political will of the people and takes the
interests of all countries into exact account. We will always lose out if
our political disposition serves the endeavors of others. And no matter how
much it might not be fancied by others, a policy which is anchored in a
nation's own interests, as a rule, is grasped and respected. Even if an
attempt is made to influence your position, at least a chance for
negotiations emerges and in that way the country becomes a factor and not an
instrument. Otherwise, they negotiate not with you, but with the party
whose orientation you serve, and all the while you are ignored, scorned, and
even punished.

State, nation, society. This trinity sometimes compels different and
flexible approaches, but at the same time they must flow from the same
political source and must be pursued in all directions and domains--always
in coordinated and purposeful fashion. The beacon and backbone of this
formula is the state, and for that it must be legitimate, accountable to the
people, rational, nationally self-confident, not provincially pompous. The
Armenian state must finally reconcile its words and deeds, and must not
superficially exploit either history or the present. Like all other
national bodies, the state is simply an avenue for reaching the people,
effecting their self-organization, and realizing their aspirations. Those
bodies are for the people, and not the other way around. In this light,
national security is paramount, and all the derivatives of our heritage are
its inalienable components. And this means the security of all Armenians,
no matter where they are--from Armenia and Artsakh to the large Armenian
communities and isolated corners of the diaspora.

MISSION POSSIBLE

Together we can solve the whole package of ripe challenges which I have come
to outline. It is only a capable leadership formed by the people's
collective will and enjoying its vote of confidence which can lead the way
out of the crises facing the country, a country where our children,
grandchildren, and great-grandchildren will come to live. We must pass on
to them not our own YESTERDAYS, but the TOMORROWS they deserve. We are
simply obliged to bequeath to the generations a free, democratic, and strong
Armenia, where the nation's nucleus is made of real patriots and individuals
of integrity, because only they can bring the nation together by unifying
the parts and parcels of the Armenian nation scattered across the globe by
the twists and turns of a fateful history. We do see the paths converging
on that day, and we know the enormous efforts that are needed in order to
build our tomorrow today.

Friends, colleagues, and coheirs,

We will use the coming months to promote Heritage and its message in the
capital city and the provinces, and to disseminate and implement our
platform and its every provision. All citizens of Armenia who enlist in
Heritage will have the chance to take part in the party-building process in
compliance with its conceptual criteria. If I become worthy of your choice,
then I will convene an extraordinary Congress within the year during which
the executive board, with a new chairman and members, will be elected under
competitive conditions.

I invite those forces and individuals possessing conscience and will, and
all believers in the Armenia of tomorrow, to join us right here and now, so
that by prevailing in the constitutional referendum, local elections, and
the nationwide polls to follow, step by step and stone by stone, we achieve
our programmatic aims and strategic objectives. Our work is cut out for us.
The time has come to move from long words on to tangible deeds and selfless
feats. It was Confucius who said, "In times of stability, be bold in your
words and cautious in your deed, and in times of instability, be bold in
your deed and cautious in your words."

Whether it is personal, familial, or national, heritage is eternal. It
transcends all time and occurrence. It is received from the past, obtains
new meaning in the present, and is transmitted for safekeeping and
enhancement to the future.

All of us shall fight for that future. Heritage is national: it is anchored
in timeless values which have come to us from the depths of our centuries.
And heritage is liberal: its calling is to bring physical and spiritual
liberty to all. Our initial measure, and all those to come, will be to
empower the people to become masters of the heritage that belongs to them,
to return to them the power necessary for managing that heritage, and with
that power to build, effective immediately, the new-century Armenia of our
dreams.

I would like for Heritage's public debut to be in tune with the birth of
Vahagn, which the same Father of Poets has bequeathed to us as a song from
the minstrels of Goghtan, from creation to our decisive days:

The sky is turbulent, turbulent the earth,
Turbulent the purple sea,
And turbulent also the red reed in the sea.

Smoke curled out of the reed,
Flame leaped out from the reed,
And out of the reed a fair child came forth.

His hair glowed,
His beard flamed,
And his eyes were fiery suns.

Ladies and gentlemen,

We must call our common home--the Republic of Armenia, Artsakh, and the
Diaspora--to order, urgently, fundamentally, and on the basis of the nation'
s security. Our ideals for Armenia and the Armenian people are wholly
different from what reigns today. In matter of civilization, culture,
science, politics, economy, and security, we have things to resolve, to give
and take from this world. Nationally, and with the twin peaks as witness,
we have yet to arrive.

Storms and temptations, "the turbulent sky and earth," are still ahead.
More than ever, we must be steadfast, iron-willed, in harmony, and worthy of
our millennia-long creation and journey. Once and for all, we must
acknowledge that all of us, without any exceptions, are accountable to the
generations yet to come, and equal before the law. We must understand that
it is time for work, for faith, for redeeming the trust once lost. Now let
us arm ourselves with good words and deeds, honest analysis, and renewed
dedication. Let us express our thoughts and stand behind them, argue from
time to time, tolerate differing views, but when it comes down to our
fundamental and far-reaching priorities, then let us be unshakable and at
one with each other.

And so Godspeed, Armenian people, so ancient yet eternally youthful, it is
with right, might, sovereignty, and dignity that we return home to Yerevan
and to the four corners of our Republic. The Armenian nation today stands
before the most vital turning point in its modern development. No one else
is going to do it. It's ours to do, alone and together.

[Gavur]

Open Letter To Armenia’s Citizens And All Institutions Interested In Establishment Of

OPEN LETTER TO ARMENIA’S CITIZENS AND ALL INSTITUTIONS INTERESTED IN ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY IN THE REPUBLIC


IN DEFENSE OF HERITAGE Since March 4, 2006, Chairman Raffi K. Hovannisian of the Heritage Party and the staff of its central office have been forcibly denied the right of entry into their own place of work, which under the existing contract is theirs until June of this year. Considering this to be a flagrant infringement, on the part of the incumbent presidency and its ruling clique, of fundamental civil liberties and political freedoms, MP and chairman of the National Democrats’ Alliance Arshak Sadoyan has launched an initiative whereby he has petitioned all political parties in Armenia as well as institutions that are interested in the establishment of democracy in the Republic to raise their voice of protest against this blatant lawlessless. The authors of this initiative declare that the letter is open to all political forces and public and private organizations which choose to demonstrate their solidarity on this matter. On March 4, 2006, a criminal break-in took place at the premises which Armenia’s first Minister of Foreign Affairs Raffi K. Hovannisian has been leasing for more than 12 years. Without advance notice on legal warrant, the lock of the Heritage Party headquarters’ main outer door was smashed and replaced with another.

As a result, the chairman of the Heritage Party and the staff of its central office have been forcibly denied the right of entry into their own place of work, which under the existing contract is theirs until June of this year. The absolute closure of access to Heritage’s official seal, documents, computers, and means of telecommunication has brought the party’s activities to a standstill, paralyzing the regular contact between its headquarters and regional offices.

Raffi Hovannisian and the executive board of the Heritage Party have issued formal and telephonic petitions to Prime Minister Andranik Margarian, Attorney General Aghvan Hovsepian, and Police Chief Haik Harutiunian regarding this unlawful act. No response, explanation, or comment has been received to date from the law enforcement bodies.

In fact, the constitutional order has once again been violated in Armenia. A leading opposition party that has stood out of late with its civic and public initiatives has effectively and illegally been shut down. We consider this to be a flagrant infringement, on the part of the incumbent presidency and its ruling clique, of fundamental civil liberties and political freedoms.

We demand that the Armenian authorities reopen the Heritage Party headquarters immediately and implement measures guaranteeing its normal, unfettered, and secure operations.

Forum of Intellectuals of Armenia
National Democrats’ Alliance
Republic Party
National Rebirth Party
National Democratic Union
New Times Party
Social Democrat Hnchak Party
Social Democratic Party of Armenia
Social Ecological Party of Armenia
Democratic Motherland Party
Motherland and Pride Union
National Unity Mission Party
Armenian Arian Union
Armenian Center for Cultural Assistance and Strategy
“Human Rights 96” NGO
“The Officer’s Pride” NGO
Anti-globalists’ Union
“People are the Country’s Owners” Union

[Gavur]

A Tent Is Enough For Raffi Hovannisian In His Homeland

A1+
[03:33 pm] 03 April, 2006

"They can close my office and take my property and my house; anyway,
all these things will remain in my homeland. Let them take whatever
they want; the only thing I need is a tent in my homeland", head
of the Heritage party Raffi Hovannisian announced in today's press
conference and added that they will continue their "modest activity".

Speaking about their office, Raffi Hovannisian reminded that it was
rented 12 years ago, and they had problems even in those times. "And it
was only thanks to the political courage of Hambardzoum Galstyan that
we were able to rent the area where we had been acting for 12 years".

"The office is ours till June 1, until the court makes a decision",
Mr. Hovannisian announced.

EVERYONE WANTS TO BECOME PIVOT

According to Raffi Hovannisian, the opposition must be self-critical
towards their activity. "The work was fair, but there were omissions",
he noted adding that "today all the oppositional powers want to
become a pivot instead of consolidation". As a result of this,
according to Hovannisian, today we have a number of pivots. "This
problems exists not only in the opposition", he tried to justify the
opposition leaders. And still, he is sure that he will be able to
find the key to consolidation together with his friends

Raffi Hovannisian announced that he is against the approach "either
you, or me" and he think that there are devoted people both in the
coalition and in the opposition.

According to Raffi Hovannisian, the most important thing today is unity
around the idea. Neither does he share the formation of pro-western
or pro-Russian blocs.

"We must not introduce artificial or foreign revolution to Armenia;
we need new approaches", he said.