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Excerpts from Akcam book

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  • Excerpts from Akcam book

    Ackam convincingly presents the evolution of the Turkish mindset leading to Genocide
    Taner Ackam – From Empire to Republic (exerpts)

    Turkish National Identity and Christian Enmity

    “…one after another the Balkan Christian minorities within the Ottoman Empire fought for their political independence and ultimately succeeded in splitting off from the Empire. But these independence movements were perceived by the ruling nation as treacherous acts directed against it.”

    (my note: Albania likewise succeeded in 1910 in response to the CUPs directive to Turkify all conduct in the Empire. Albanians – though Muslims feared that this meant the loss of their cultural uniqueness and heritage and to them this was intolerable. The CUP response to this was to abandon the pretense altogether of any idea of Ottomanism and to pursue a course as quickly as possible to Turkify the nation and remove all ethnic elements it perceived were non-Turkish. The secret meetings of the CUP central committee from 1910 and then in 1911 reflect that at this time the debate was between strictly deporting the undesirables [Armenians, Greeks and xxxs were discussed] or just massacring them outright. The faction favoring the later dominated the party and government in the following years (and ultimately forced the more moderate CUP members to leave the party and form their own opposition party – Peace and Justice Party was the name I believe). Also at this time plans were drawn up to nationalize the economy – and by this they meant to force the Greeks, Armenians and xxxs to abandon their businesses and properties through boycotts, deportations and pogroms against them. It is interesting that German pressure actually encouraged this as Germans were interested in replacing the indigenous mercantiles with Germans and to this end Germans also encouraged race hatred of the Ottoman minorities – prefacing the later Kristalnach and other anti-xxxish boycotts and restrictions on xxxs of the 1930s. – BTW – the minutes of thee secret CUP meetings were independently found from separate sources in German and French intelligence archives!)

    Back to Ackam –

    “Although these feelings of hatred had been there before the Tanzimat period (1839-76), they reached a peak with the Reform Decree, which declared the principle of general equality of all Ottoman Subjects”

    “The Muslims saw it as an insult…”

    “Muslims, who up to that point had denigrated but tolerated Christians, now began to lose their position of dominance in Ottoman society.”

    “…it now becomes easy to understand why the seeds of hatred toward the Christians grew. The attainment by hitherto second-class citizens of privileges through the protection of the foreign powers and the consequent improvement of their economic lot, as well as their exemption experiencing all of the burden and bitterness of the wars that were endured solely by the Muslim population…greatly helped to fan the flame of hatred against them. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, this hatred and enmity found open expression in many of the Ottoman dailies.” (Ackam then gives some specific examples…oh and BTW – the Christians were not entirely exempt as the Ottoman government continued to raise their taxes to intolerable levels to pay off the massive debt – so bad that by the mid 19th century the Ottoman finances were in foreign hands as they had defaulted their various international loans…)

    “…the Young Turks movement (CUP) used this resentment to promote anti-Christian hostility…they made acceptance of Turkish superiority and domination the condition for other peoples within the Empire to live together. …a predictable result of this jealousy tinged hostility directed at the Christian minority was an intolerance of their demands for democracy.”

    “In Bulgaria, Midhat Pasha became known as the ‘Bulgar executioner’ for his actions during the Bulgarian uprising of 1876.” (Ackam gives several examples of how minority calls for greater rights were met by Turkish hostility and ultimately massacre and how this policy of the Sultan’s was carried on by the Young Turks. He further documents how the Young Turks deliberately or otherwise mischaracterized the aims of ethnic political parties to emphasize not their intention of promoting reform but that they wished to “…divide and destroy the homeland”)…Ackam further characterizes these attitudes as “Islamic prejudice….Traces of such attitudes can be found even today.” And he details how “Effort is thereby made to denigrate the members of a religious or ethnic group, by equating them with an economic class. By equating ‘Christian’ and ‘bourgeois’, whereby Christians are identified as collaborators of imperialism, these authors attempt to imbue anti-Christain ideas with class content.”

    Ackam then supplies a number of quotes from prominent Turkish theorists, for instance –

    Ziya Pasha: “…a day will come when the matter will be unbearable and unendurable, and it will reach levels at which Islamic honor and zeal can no longer stand it. Muslims will reach their limit and they will take matters into their own hands”

    Ali Suavi – “Muslims…could never accept being ruled by [Christians].” Etc

    Ackam then explains – “Throughout the entire nineteenth century one sees Muslim attacks and revolts directed against Christians, attributable to the anger caused by loss of power…Lebanon 1844, Mecca 1855, Jedda and Syria in 1858 are but a few of the revolts of this nature. One of the reasons for the Serbian uprising was also that the Muslims could not accept the loss of their position of dominance.”

    “The advent of another loss of Muslim dominance…vis-à-vis the Armenian population – played a significant role in the series of massacres of the Armenians. Anti-Armenian sentiment is asserted…[as] the natural and understandable result of this Muslim irritation.”

    “Thus every demand for democracy…became perceived as yest another step toward the partitioning of the Empire.”

    “In relation to the Armenian Genocide, the raw materials for the belligerent tendencies found in the intellectual and emotional construct that is the Turkish national identity are in large measure to be found in this feeling of belittlement and humiliation” (of perceived loss of status vis-à-vis the Christians and Armenians in particular).

    “Turkish national identity developed in tandem with a desire for revenge.”

    “Belligerent, chauvinistic and militaristic ideas had embraced the entire society.”

    “…this feeling of vengeance…was largely directed at the non-Muslim minorities…And during the First World War this revenge, which could not have been taken against the Bulgarians or the Greeks, was instead taken out against the ‘ungrateful’ Armenians, who by collaborating with the imperialists, struck us from behind.”

    Ackam quotes Bekir Sami (in response to Kazim Karabekir after machine gunning hundreds of innocent Armenians he assembled before him) – “I am settling the account of four hundred years of Ottoman History.”

    “We cannot truthfully claim that Turkey has fully emerged from this mindset.” (followed by numerous quotes regarding the ingratitude of the minorities etc)
    General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

  • #2
    Taner Akcam interview

    November 14, 2006

    Campus- University of Minnesota

    University professor talks about his book on Armenian Genocide
    More than one million Armenians died between 1915 and 1923 during a devastating genocide.
    By Conrad Wilson
    ore than one million Armenians died from 1915 to 1923 during a devastating genocide. Today, the demise of a people is debated throughout Turkey, the epicenter of the once-powerful Ottoman Empire.

    University professor Taner Akcam's new book released this week, "A Shameful Act," examines the genocide and the degree of Turkish responsibility.

    Akcam is a professor at the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies.

    Where did the idea for the book come from?

    The idea was to discuss the problems around the international criminal law and criminal court. The history of establishment of the international criminal court goes back to the Paris Peace Conferences. The Armenian genocide and the problem of trying the perpetrator on an international criminal court was one of the major problems in Paris. I suggested to research the problem of the Armenian genocide.

    What does the book highlight about the Armenian genocide that is otherwise unknown?

    The question of the implementation of the genocide: How different government organizations and the party in power cooperated and organized the genocide. Based on new Ottoman documents, I reconstruct the implementation of the genocide.

    I explicitly showed in my book that the attitude of the founder of Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal, on the events of 1915 is just the opposite of the denialist attitudes of current Turkish politics. His viewpoint toward the Armenian genocide has now been deliberately forgotten and deleted from Turkish collective memory. This is what needs to be revised and renewed in our history.

    What major elements from the genocide do you highlight in the book?

    Between 1918 and 1923, the political decision-makers were grappling with two distinct, yet related issues; the answers to which determined their various relationships and alliances.

    The first was the territorial integrity of the Ottoman state.

    The second was the wartime atrocities committed by the ruling Union and Progress Party against its own Ottoman Armenian citizens.

    Although everyone agreed that these war crimes could not be left unpunished, there was uncertainty about the scope of the penalty.

    One group advocated for the trial and punishment of the first-hand criminals as well as some of the top Union and Progress leaders.

    Another group advocated for the trials of individual suspects, casting the net as widely as possible, and for the punitive dismemberment of the Ottoman state into new states created on its territory.

    The book is quite critical of the Turkish government in regards to their role in the genocide. What criticism, if any, have you received?

    First there were attacks in Turkish press, especially because of the title of the book. This is a quotation from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, founder of the (Turkish) Republic. I was attacked as a liar and falsifier of his words in main media. The next day, they all apologized.

    The publication of the book was the main topic in Turkey between Oct. 30 and Nov. 2, not only because of Atatürk's words, but because of Orhan Pamuk's blurb (a Nobel Prize-winner author) at the back of the book.

    What is the "Turkish responsibility" in the Armenian genocide?

    There is a very strong moral responsibility because Turkey's establishment as an independent state has very strong links to what happened to the Armenians.

    I showed in my book that there is continuity between the Armenian genocide and the foundation of Turkish Republic. The party - Union and Progress Party - which organized the genocide, was the party which organized the resistance movement in Anatolia against the British and French occupation. An important number of party members who committed crimes against the Armenians were also very active in the Turkish liberation movement.

    Additionally, today's Turkey sits on the Armenian properties and lands left by Armenians.

    As a general rule, would you agree that national and ethnic groups tend to focus on their pains, rather than the pains they have inflicted upon others? How does this fit into the framework of the book?

    This is a very true statement. Every ethnic group has a selective memory and remembers only the pain that is inflicted to them by others.

    My book is a call for a break with this tradition. There is a fundamental principle in genocide research that I would like to repeat: If societies do not want a repeat of these types of macro crimes, it is necessary for each group to think first and foremost about the things that they themselves have done and to discuss and debate them.

    As long as this is not done, the probability of such events repeating themselves remains quite high, because every collective carries the potential for violence within its very structure, and when a situation appears in which the right conditions manifest themselves, this potential can easily become a reality, and on the slightest of pretexts. There are no exceptions to this rule.

    Does this book tackle any issues as it relates to Turkey's application for membership within the European Union?

    Of course. Without facing its history, without coming to terms with the past, Turkey cannot be a member of European Union.

    The expectation from Turkey is that it faces the historic wrongdoings and acknowledges its moral responsibility.

    There are at least six to seven different resolutions of European Parliament asking Turkey to acknowledge the genocide.

    Is there a particular passage from the book that conveys your overall message?

    The legacy of Haji Halil to whom I dedicated my book.

    This book is dedicated to Haji Halil … Eight members of his mother's family were kept safely hidden for some six months in Haji Halil's home under very dangerous circumstances. Any Turk protecting an Armenian was threatened with being hanged in front of his house, which would then be burned.

    I was deeply moved by the story, by the humanity that triumphed over evil … The memory of Haji Halil reminds us that both people, Turks and Armenians, have a different history on which they can build a future.
    General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

    Comment


    • #3
      I just recieved Akcam's new book - A Shameful Act - in the mail yesterday and have read the first chapter and introduction...not sure when I'll get to pick up the rest and finish it (busy) - but it looks excellent - very well laid out and strongly presented well sourced and an excellent overview/chronology).

      Comment


      • #4
        Originally posted by 1.5 million View Post
        I just recieved Akcam's new book - A Shameful Act - in the mail yesterday and have read the first chapter and introduction...not sure when I'll get to pick up the rest and finish it (busy) - but it looks excellent - very well laid out and strongly presented well sourced and an excellent overview/chronology).
        Maybe they'll counter with another Samuel Weems.
        General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

        Comment


        • #5
          Originally posted by Joseph View Post
          Maybe they'll counter with another Samuel Weems.
          LOL! I heard that since Weems is dead, Borat has agreed to write the sequel.

          Comment


          • #6
            Originally posted by phantom View Post
            LOL! I heard that since Weems is dead, Borat has agreed to write the sequel.
            lol - part of the Turkish move to greater credibility perhaps...

            Comment


            • #7
              Originally posted by Joseph View Post

              I explicitly showed in my book that the attitude of the founder of Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal, on the events of 1915 is just the opposite of the denialist attitudes of current Turkish politics. His viewpoint toward the Armenian genocide has now been deliberately forgotten and deleted from Turkish collective memory.
              Rubbish like that makes me doubt the book's longterm value.

              Attaturk's very temporary support for the criticising of Turkey's wartime leaders was just a way to help discredit and get rid of any CUP rivals who were still hanging around. If he cared anything about reversing the wrongs of the genocide he would not have filled his new Turkish parliament with people directly responsible for the killings. But he did. And he completed the genocide throughout the 1920s by the force expulsion from Turkey of hundreds of thousands of Armenians.
              Plenipotentiary meow!

              Comment


              • #8
                Originally posted by bell-the-cat View Post
                Rubbish like that makes me doubt the book's longterm value.

                Attaturk's very temporary support for the criticising of Turkey's wartime leaders was just a way to help discredit and get rid of any CUP rivals who were still hanging around. If he cared anything about reversing the wrongs of the genocide he would not have filled his new Turkish parliament with people directly responsible for the killings. But he did. And he completed the genocide throughout the 1920s by the force expulsion from Turkey of hundreds of thousands of Armenians.
                Yes, he did continue the polices and of the CUP and expanded them to include the Pontic Greeks and Dersim Kurds.

                But on the flip side, his comments to toward the CUP and the Armenian Genocide shows that he knew what was taking place (whether or not he agreed or condoned the genocide not material) in 1915.
                General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

                Comment

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