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McCarthy Ottoman Armenian population conclusions flawed by his own admissions

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  • McCarthy Ottoman Armenian population conclusions flawed by his own admissions

    In his book “Muslims and Minorities” Justin McCarthy attempts to prove (among other things) that the population of Armenians was less than that which could have supported the European and Armenian figures of approximately 1.5 million killed by the (Young) Turks in 1915, and that Armenians were clear minorities in the Eastern provinces. In my opinion he certainly fails on the first count as he himself shows in his book (though he weasel words justifications for concluding the opposite). On the subject of Armenian relative population in the east perhaps he is correct – but to a much lesser extent than he proposes. Certainly, the deliberate policy (denied by McCarthy – but well known and accepted elsewhere) of settlement of Muslims into Armenian areas for the preceding (at least) two centuries and the outflow of Armenians during the 19th and early part of the 20th century (to escape harassment, excessive taxation and massacre etc.) did result in a shift from majority Armenian population to majority Muslim (note Muslim - however not Turkish...) – further massaged by gerrymandering of political boundaries. In fact however, there were still significant populations of Armenians in many of these areas – particularly in certain districts where there still were Armenian majorities (and in fact Armenians outnumbered ethnic Turks in most all areas of Eastern Anatolia).

    McCarthy seeks to discredit Armenian Patriarchal population counts (as I in fact did – before I read McCarthy). In fact, IMO he really shows them to be much more accurate than the proven inaccurate and obviously biased Ottoman “counts”. It is particularly interesting that where the Ottoman and Armenian figures match is in areas of western Anatolia where Ottoman control was the greatest (and there was no issue of a potentially independent Armenian State). Here the Ottoman figures were deemed most accurate (even by McCarthy) and lo and behold – they nearly match the Armenian figures. Yet in the east – where the Ottomans were concerned about Armenian nationalism – their figures for numbers of Armenians are much much lower than the Armenian counts. First -–there should be no reason why the Armenian figures would be accurate in the west – but inaccurate in the east. Secondly, there are plenty of reasons (deliberately and inadvertently) why the Ottomans would severely undercount Armenians in the East. The first is of course political motivation – to attempt to discredit the idea of an Armenian nation-state. Secondly, the Ottomans had very tentative administrative control over a large percentage of Armenians in the East – who for all practical purposes ruled themselves under the millet system. These Armenians did not want to be counted (taxation and other reasons) and certainly did not cooperate in such. Additionally, the Turks obviously did not wish to count many of these Armenians as well (most of these they had some difficulty collecting taxes from anyway). It is always difficult to count people in developing areas anyway – where communications and infrastructure are not good – and I am sure that the Kurds and other nomads in the east were also significantly undercounted – but combined with the political motivation (which McCarthy amusingly discounts) it is apparent what occurred. Particularly since the Armenian derived figures were shown to be reasonably accurate in western Anatolia. And – the European intelligence agencies developed figures which much more closely matched the Armenian figures – not the Ottoman ones – obviously they wanted the most accurate counts and they either independently derived figures which agreed with the Armenian counts – or they used the Armenian figures – trusting them more than the Ottoman ones – either way the conclusion is the same – and McCarthy’s attempts to prove otherwise ring hollow and biased. The following consists of excerpts from “Muslims and Minorities” which illustrate some of the points I have made above:

    “Population registers were the basis of all Ottoman government population statistics.”

    “Like all population records, the ottoman population registers contained errors.”

    “The Ottoman population records on the Anatolian Muslims became reliable (my note: even this is very much disputed – in fact it is self-contradicted by McCarthy IMO – though perhaps they were improved over prior – though certainly not reliable) long before those on minority populations.”

    “The overwhelming inaccuracy of the Van data leaves no choice but to draw the correction factors used on the Van population from other sources.”

    “Since no major Armenian population survived in Anatolia at the time of the modern Turkish Republican censuses it is impossible to compare the (Armenian) Patriarch’s data to more modern material.”

    “There were indeed Armenians killed in the troubles of 1895-6, but not even the most exaggerated count of mortality records such a loss for the entire Ottoman Empire.” (McCarthy discounts Armenians losses in earlier massacres and claims Armenian exaggeration of both their own numbers & losses – without providing any proof or giving us any real evidence as to what sources he bases such a statement on)

    “It is doubtful that the Ottomans, suspicious as they were of Armenian community action and publicity, would have allowed the type of massive collection and checking of data necessary for such records.” (Is McCarthy denying the existence of the millet system and minority communities being allowed to take care of their own? Additionally, they often were in no position to deny such – and as the collection was done as part of the church functions this was left alone by the Ottomans – again McCarthy’s “conclusions” are self serving, biased, and IMO wrong)

    “Detailed census and registration figures in a statistically underdeveloped area like the Ottoman Empire are usually somewhat incorrect due to undercounting, but the undercounts can be corrected.” (This later point is the basis for McCarthy’s figures – but by his own admission you can see that counts of Armenians were more likely to be purposefully or otherwise undercounted as compared to Muslims – and were much less accurate because the degree of cooperation with and control by the Ottoman authorities was much less in Armenian areas. Additionally, as McCarthy points out there were many factors for less accurately counting Armenians versus Muslims – such as the need to more accurately count Muslims for conscription purposes etc. – in any event it is obviously very difficult to accurately count people in areas not under full administrative control – particularly when those people may not have been interested in being counted. On top of this is also clear that the Ottomans were very interested in portraying the Armenians as a more minor population than they actually were to discourage Western advocacy of an independent Armenia etc. – thus they had much incentive to report less Armenians then there actually were – this motivation cannot be discounted – though McCarthy does just this thing – taking two pages to justify why, in his mind, the Ottomans were not deliberately undercounting Armenians – these justifications ring hollow IMO).

    “…in the two eastern vilayets the level of undercounting of Armenians was considerably larger than that of Muslims.”

    Certain European accounts….”give…accurate indications of the large number of Armenian churches and schools in an area such as Siirt Sancagi of Bitlis Vilayeti that officially (in the Ottoman counts) listed few Armenians, thus providing an indication that the Armenian population of Siirt was undercounted.”

    “A central assumption made below is that the misreporting of age and sex for Armenians was approximately the same as for Muslims. Until extensive archival research has been done, there is no way to prove this assumption.”

    Sivas Vilyet/eastern Anatolia: “This was the area of poorest Ottoman administrative control, poorest statistics, and the greatest divergence between Ottoman and Patriarchate statistics. Sivas, while still fairly far removed from the seat of central Ottoman government, was clearly much advanced statistically over Bitlis, Van, or Mamuretulaziz.” “Ottoman figures for the Armenian population of Sivas were very close to those of the Armenian Patriarchate.” (Is he contradicting himself here?)

    “..the Ottoman records, as their collection methods improved, counted Armenians as a greater proportion of the Manuretullaziz population than they had previously done.” (an indication of much room for error as we can see) “The Ottoman figures for Marmuretulaziz were considerably better than those of Cuinet, who made large-scale errors in enumerating the Armenian population of Harput Kazasi.”

    “The decision to use Ottoman statistics is based solely on their proven relative reliability, and on the proven unreliability of the Armenian statistics.” (note: his basis for this is his own conjecture regarding how each set was compiled – no direct evidence) “Intellectually and statistically, this is not a completely satisfactory approach…” (At least he admits this – though it is buried in the book which is presented with a falsely authoritative air)

    “The undercounting of the Armenian population in Diyarbakir Vilayeti was approximately the same as that of the Diyarbakir Muslim population.” (how can he claim this with any certainty at all? In fact there are many many reasons for a greater undercount of Armenians, which he discounts on principle without knowledge).

    Ezurum Vilayeti: McCarthy discusses that the Ottomans paid closer attention to this area then others and that Armenians had been a much larger percentage but had “migrated” to Russian territory. He indicates that his “correction factor” that he uses may not be valid here – though he uses it just the same.

    Van and Bitlis: “..neither one of which has completely reliable Ottoman published statistics.” (though he claims Armenian figures are overcounts – how could this be known if the Ottoman figures are unreliable?) He does add however that “there will always be a great deal of uncertainty about these populations.” (which he adds to by publishing unverifiable, concocted figures and discounting the Armenian counts). “The Ottomans knew that they had undercounted (minority) populations in Van and Bitlis, and commented on this fact in published and secret documents. …the registers of Muslims were improved. The registers of non-Muslim population were not significantly improved.” “..Armenian men were also significantly undercounted.” (in addition to women and children – which McCarthy admits was a normal practice).

    “There were more Armenian schoolchildren listed in Siirt than in Bitlis or Mus even though the (Ottoman census) listed much larger (Armenian) population numbers in the latter two sanaks.” (Indications of unpredictable unreliability of the figures) (McCarthy then justifies the use of [his own low] estimates in these cases as he admits the reported figures are unreliable). (note McCarthy admits that official counts indicated a substantially less Armenian presence in these areas than what was thought to exist – so why would the counts elsewhere be any different? I am sure that McCarthy only admits this in this case because the Ottoman figures can be proven wrong – where they cannot be proven wrong he uses them – just because they cannot be proven wrong does not mean that they are correct – and every indication is of greater undercount of Armenians then of Muslims – in every instance where this can be proven it is the case – thus is it not likely elsewhere as well?).

    “..other indicators also point to an undercount of Armenians and other Christians in Van.” (his rational for this – emigration of Armenian males ??? [what about the rest of the family?] is almost comical – the hoops he jumps through to justify why these undercounts and discrepancies are an aberration). “The military exemption tax paid by Van non-Muslims in 1313 indicates a greater non-Muslim population than does the population records. Ottoman statistics indicate that the Ottoman government was gradually improving its counts of Muslims in Van Vilayeti, but that the enumeration of non-Muslims was improving little. The Muslim population, as recorded, would have had to have been increasing three times faster than the non-Muslim population. This was impossible (note: perhaps less were being massacred). “..the assumption made when beginning to analyze the Ottoman data on Van Armenians was that the undercounting of Van Armenians would be of the same magnitude as the undercounting of Muslims. By every experiment and test, this did not prove to be the case.” (ah ha!)

    Cilicia: “While by no means completely accurate, the Ottoman figures can be corrected.” (can they really? Who really is to know? By whose methodology? Once you “correct” them are they still “census” figures? Or your own estimates – just as the figures you critique – in fact the Armenians Patriarchal figures may not be “estimates” but actual counts following birth, baptismal and death records kept by the church)

    “It was in the provinces closest to central authority that Ottoman and Armenian estimates of Armenian population most closely coincided.” (In fact he shows that the Ottoman figures were greater than the Armenian ones in some cases. Does this not seem to indicate that the accuracy of the Armenian figures in the Eastern provinces may have been more accurate than the government figures? If they were shown to be accurate in the areas where government control and administration was strong – and counts were good – could it not be possible that the Armenian figures were good in the areas of less government control – and that there were far more Armenians than the Ottomans were admitting to? This seems to make much sense does it not?)

    “There can be no doubt that Ottoman figures on Armenian population in eastern Anatolia were somewhat mistaken, as were Ottoman statistics on eastern Anatolian Muslim population. It must be asserted, however, that…Ottoman statistics did not selectively discriminate against Armenians.” (It seems to me that if we look at these discrepancies closely they did just that – thus McCarthy’s methodology, by his own - down in the fine print – admission, is flawed and biased against the Armenians in his totals. It seems that European intelligence sources agree more with the Armenian figures – why would this be so if the Ottoman figures are the more accurate as McCarthy contends?)

  • #2
    Thank you 1.5 Million for sharing

    Can Hellektor and Fadix please post their analysis here too ...

    Comment


    • #3
      Yeah I got tired of getting into these discussions/arguments and Turk apologists constantly bringing up McCarthy to defend this idea that there were fewer far Armenians then we know to be true (to attack this idea that 1.5M could have been slughtered) and also this claim by McCarthy of internaicine warfare (that is just way overblown - particualrly in the years preceeding the Genocide since the CUP revolution of 1908). So i decided to read all of McCarthy's stuff - which I did - and in this book I was amazed at how he weaseled his way to a false (anti- Armenian) conclusion (perhaps I shouldn't have been surprised eh?) that was entriely unspportable by even the facts and figures he presents. So all I did was highlight - from his own work - the innaccuracies and inconsitancies - and let the reader be the judge - in fact his work IMO entirely supports the conclusion that the Armenian Patriarch's figures were in fact the most accurate (something I was entirely skeptical of prior to reading McCarthy's book! lol)

      Comment


      • #4
        Originally posted by maral_m79
        Thank you 1.5 Million for sharing

        Can Hellektor and Fadix please post their analysis here too ...
        Maral, my analyses of McCarthy is about 100 pages long, with examples from all his books. I do not wish to post it here, also, I will be using the relevant quotes and beliefs comming from other specialists concerning McCarthy for my article on Wikipedia about denial.

        If you wonder, I do not wish to participate in this board, because the moderators acts like immature teens closing threads and moving contents and blocking users applying rules selectivaly.

        If you have any questions or want to request anything, do it on xxxxxxxx.com or using my wikipedia email(but I'm on a wiki brake for now, and will be more available during christmass vacations).

        I could maybe post what I've been posting recently, about a review of McCarthys work about Ottoman Turks.

        Also, I'may post some new materials on xxxxxxxx, like recently I've posted Dadrians Andonian analysis here: http://xxxxxxxx.com/index.php?showtopic=12845

        Do not copy it anywhere else, just use this link if you want to show it to anyone.(for copyright issues) That's all I had to say.

        I've posted this on xxxxxxxx.
        ----

        I was just reading my collection of records on Justin McCarthy, and thought that I should OCR a review of his book by Colin Imber and post it to xxxxxxxx, since I haven't brought anything new here about the subject for some time now.

        For those who ignore Colin Imber, he is, what we might call, one of those few "Ottomanists" that can still defend the profession. smile.gif



        I decided to post this one, because this review always makes me laught everytime I read it, since I'd consider the harshest review I have read about one of McCarthys book, and that Imber accuses McCarthys work of being Turkish nationalist propaganda, the same McCarthy who has accused for years historians supporting the thesis of genocide, of having nationalist agendas.

        Nice reading. biggrin.gif

        The Ottoman Turks: An Introductory History by Justin McCarthy
        Review Author[s]: Colin Imber
        British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Nov., 1999), 307-310.

        THE OTTOMAN TURKS: AN INTRODUCTORY HISTORY. By JUSTIN MCCARTHY. Harlow, Addison Wesley Longman, 1997. xv + 406 pp., illustrations, maps.

        Junk food, junk bonds and now junk history ... This is a cruel description, but one which is perfectly appropriate for a book which is carelessly written, is often misinformed, and shamelessly follows a Turkish nationalist agenda. In the nationalist scheme of things, Turkish history begins with the Huns, leads through a succession of Turkish States in Central Asia to the Empires of the Great Seljuks, the Seljuks of Rum and the Ottomans, to culminate gloriously in Kemal Ataturk, and the Turkish Republic. This book too begins with Atilla and leads to Ataturk, taking in a series of nationalist cliches along the way. Connoisseurs of Turkish nationalism will, for example, recognize in the various references to 'the endurance and fighting spirit of the ordinary Turkish soldier', the figure of kahraman Mehmetgik which the Turkish government likes to invoke when soliciting funds for the army. The drawback with this kind of history writing is not only that it leads to absurdities and misinterpretations, but also that it can distort legitimate history writing. Here, Chapter 10 and some other sections of the book refer to the extermination and forced migration during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries of Turks and other Muslim peoples, at the hands of Balkan nationalists, Russians and others. This is a matter very little known in the English speaking world, and clearly relevant to late Ottoman history, but as presented here, it reads very much like nationalist polemic and, in particular, as an official Turkish response to Armenian claims of genocide.

        These sections of the book give a Turkish nationalist slant on powerful and still living issues. Other sections give us the standard nationalist interpretation of earlier history. Most typical are perhaps the references to the dev§irme—here meaning those recruited by this process, rather than the process itself—who, from the time of Mehmed II (1451-1481) supposedly controlled the government at the expense of the 'Turkish notables'. We never get to know who these Turkish notables' are but, Bunbury-like, they hover in the background, 'having retired to their lands when the dev§irme took power in the capital' (p. 163). At one point in the book, we learn that Osman II (1618-1622) even planned to get rid of 'the dev§irme-mn government' and 'replace it with one where Turkish influence was stronger' (p. 177). This gives us a picture, familiar from Turkish nationalist historiography, of dastardly foreigners ousting the Turks from government and spreading corruption, and a wise sultan giving his backing to the Turks. This might make a good story, but it is difficult to substantiate. Osman II, it is true, probably wished to get rid of the Janissaries, and he could do this only if he raised a force to oppose them which did not share their vested interests. Also to judge from the questions which, as sultan, Osman posed to the anonymous author of the Kitab-i mustetab, he probably wished to introduce some conservative reforms in the body politic. But this is very different from Professor McCarthy's nationalist-inspired vision of Turks versus foreigners. In fact, the dev§irme, is a subject which gives the author some trouble. He tells us, for example, that 'in the capital the antagonism between the native Turks and the dev§irme evidenced itself in conflict between the Turkish cavalry¬men (the sipahis) and the Janissaries' (p. 165). Such conflicts did indeed arise, but the sipahis in question were the Sipahis of the Porte, who were not native Turks but, like the Janissaries, recruited largely through the dev§irme.

        Professor McCarthy's account of the role and the functions of the dev§irme might have been more balanced, if, in addition to the nationalist view of the subject, he had paid attention to modern research which increasingly stresses the importance of households in the political structure of the Empire. In this view of Ottoman politics, the men of the dev§irme were essentially members of the Imperial Household, through which the sultan ruled the Empire, and which pashas' households, with their numerous slaves and retainers mirrored on a smaller scale. One might also note in passing that the vezir of Mehmed I (1413-1421), Bayezid Pasha, was apparently a slave of Albanian origin. This was at a time when, in Professor McCarthy's view, Turkish notables' were in the ascendant.

        Failure to take differing, and especially non-nationalist views into consideration is not peculiar to Professor McCarthy's treatment of the dev§irme. There is no evidence that he is even aware of the variety of opinion on certain issues, or familiar with the literature in the field. From his account, for example, of the origins of the Ottoman Empire, the reader would have no idea that this has been the subject of debate from early in the century, and that, given the scarcity and difficulty of the sources, conclusions must necessarily be tentative. For the author, the early Ottomans and their sultans are simply 'nomads', and occasionally also gazis. The book gives the reader no inkling that Wittek proposed his theory of the gazi origins of the Ottoman Empire in the 1930s in opposition to Koprulli's view of nomadic/tribal origins; that Rudi Lindner has proposed a modification of our usual understanding of 'nomad' and 'tribe'; that Inalcik has attempted to reconcile the 'nomad' and 'gazV theories; and that other participants in the debate disagree with either theory. On p. 45, Murad I (who succeeded to the Ottoman throne in 1362), 'took the major city of Adrianople in 1361'. This should read 'perhaps in 1361'. 1361 is indeed the date of the conquest that appears in the notoriously unreliable Ottoman chronicles, but articles by Professors Zachariadou and Beldiceanu-Steinherr suggest more plausible later dates for the event. Similarly, Professor Mc¬Carthy's simplistic explanation for the power of the Queen Mothers in the first half of the seventeenth century— 'Through Turkish and Islamic tradition and human nature, sultans were close to their mothers' (p. 162)—ignores Leslie Peirce's subtle and brilliant analysis of Ottoman dynastic politics in The Imperial Harem (1993).

        However skewed Professor McCarthy's analyses of Ottoman history may be, one might nonetheless expect him to be reliable with regard to the basic facts and dates. But this is not the case, especially in the early part of the book. Here are some specimen errors. Bayezid I did not take Salonica from the Byzantines in 1394 (p. 50): Murad I took it in 1387. Ottoman lands in Europe were not 'untouched' after the defeat at Ankara in 1402 (p. 52). By the 1403 Treaty of Gallipoli, the Byzantines recovered Salonica. From 1416, the Ottomans again laid siege to Salonica, finally compelling the Byzantine Emperor to cede the city to Venice in 1423 (none of this is mentioned in the book). This led inevitably to a conflict between Venice and the Ottomans. This might be what the author means when he states that Venice 'began an extended war with the Ottomans in 1425' (p. 60). In 1430, Murad II finally took Salonica, but this important event is not mentioned. Mehmet Fs brother Mustafa did not occupy Edirne in 1419 (p. 59). He unsuccessfully invaded Rumelia in 1416, and took refuge in Byzantine Salonica, leading to the Sultan's siege of that city. On Mehmet Fs death in 1421, the Emperor released him, and for a short time he established himself as counter-sultan in Edirne. The events of Mustafa's career are carefully laid out in Colin Hey wood's article in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, which Professor McCarthy appears not to have consulted. On p. 57, we learn that Mehmet I made £andarli Ibrahim his 'second Grand Vizier from 1421 until Ibrahim died in 1429'. Since Mehmet himself died in 1421, he presumably made this appointment posthumously. Careless errors and omissions such as these litter the book. For example, in his account of the Celali uprisings in the first decade of the seventeenth century the author fails to mention Kuyucu Murad Pasha's decisive campaigns against the rebels. In this respect, he would have done well to read William J. Griswold's The Great Anatolian Rebellion (1983), which gives an enthralling narrative of events.

        Professor McCarthy's chapters on Ottoman institutions offer little to improve matters. The assertion on p. 81, for example, that 'a vast bureaucracy ran the Empire' ignores the work of Cornell Fleischer and others, which shows how remarkably small was the scribal service that supported the government of the sultans in the early sixteenth century. Turn to the heading 'The military' on p. 163. Here we read; 'The "militia", the Turks who descended from the nomads who had created the Empire, were ready for each year's campaigning season under leaders whose timars supported the troops. The army's weapons were the finest available, purchased from whatever source was best, Christian or Muslim'. What are we to make of such an assertion? No 'militia descended from nomads' existed. It seems to be a creation of the author's fantasy. Who 'the leaders' might be is not specified, and the author is clearly confused about what a timar is. Timars were fiefs supporting one, or occasionally two or more cavalrymen, who were contractually obliged to serve in the sultan's army, bringing with them one or more armed retainers, according to the value of their timar. Timar-holdzrs were obliged to bring to war their own horses and weapons, whether or not these were 'the finest available', but one would not guess this from Professor McCarthy. Or take a few sentences from under the heading 'The navy' (p. 125), referring to the Ottoman navy in the sixteenth century. 'The navy was not salaried by the central government. Its leaders were granted timars, which they used to support their ships and men: Hayrettin Barbarossa was granted Algiers as his timar. Later Grand Admirals took Aegean islands as timars. As the need for the navy increased, whole provinces were given over as timars'. What is one to do with such a muddle? Let's keep a cool head and go at it slowly. (1) 'The navy was not salaried ...' Galley captains and crews did receive salaries calculated as so many akges per day. Janissaries employed as fighting men and arsenal employees, whether temporary or permanent, were salaried; provincial timar-holdtrs employed as fighting men were not. Free oarsmen received a sum of money raised from the areas from which they themselves had been levied. (2) 'Its leaders were granted timars, which they used to support their ships and men'. Since the author does not specify who the 'leaders' are, this statement is meaningless. The treasury, not timars, paid for the construction and maintenance of ships. Only timar-holdtrs serving in the fleet were paid from timars. (3) Barbarossa was not 'granted Algiers as his timar'. After establishing himself as ruler in Algiers, in 1519 Barbarossa voluntarily accepted the suzerainty of the Ottoman sultan, nominally making Algiers an Ottoman province and himself an Ottoman governor. He left Algiers in 1533, on his appointment as Ottoman Grand Admiral. He was at the same time appointed governor-general of the province of the Aegean Archipelago. The short name for both Algiers and the Archipelago is Ceza'ir, hence the confusion. (4) Later Grand Admirals did not 'take Aegean islands as timars'. The Aegean islands which came under Ottoman rule formed part of the Province of the Archipelago. This Province was created in 1533 for Barbarossa, on his appoint¬ment as Admiral, by detaching coastal districts and islands from the existing provinces of Anatolia and Rumelia. Most Admirals after Barbarossa held the post together with the governorship of this province. (5) 'Whole provinces' could scarcely 'be given over as timars'. A timar was the smallest category of military fief, supporting usually a single cavalryman. It could not possibly form a province. Some governors of coastal districts within the Province of the Archipelago were obliged to equip small flotillas for patrol duties or for service with the fleet. This could be what the author is referring to here.

        The two short extracts examined above are not aberrations, but typify the whole book. This does at least make it possible to come to a definitive judgement on the volume: Give it a miss.

        UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER COLIN IMBER

        Comment


        • #5
          Originally posted by Fadix
          Maral, my analyses of McCarthy is about 100 pages long, with examples from all his books. I do not wish to post it here, also, I will be using the relevant quotes and beliefs comming from other specialists concerning McCarthy for my article on Wikipedia about denial.

          If you wonder, I do not wish to participate in this board, because the moderators acts like immature teens closing threads and moving contents and blocking users applying rules selectivaly.

          If you have any questions or want to request anything, do it on xxxxxxxx.com or using my wikipedia email(but I'm on a wiki brake for now, and will be more available during christmass vacations).

          I could maybe post what I've been posting recently, about a review of McCarthys work about Ottoman Turks.

          Also, I'may post some new materials on xxxxxxxx, like recently I've posted Dadrians Andonian analysis here: http://xxxxxxxx.com/index.php?showtopic=12845

          Do not copy it anywhere else, just use this link if you want to show it to anyone.(for copyright issues) That's all I had to say.

          I've posted this on xxxxxxxx.

          Thank you for sharing Fadix. I'm sure that we all will respect the copyright of the Dadrian Analysis. Please let us know when you finish the article about Turkish denial in Wikipedia, and if you ever published your 100 page long analysis of McCarthy.

          Take it easy on the Moderators , I'm sure that it's not an easy job to take care of such a forum. I guess the guys are trying their best here.
          I hope I won't be in their shoes.

          Thanks again .

          Comment

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