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The Assassination of Hrant Dink

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  • *
    Armenian Reporter, Feb. 10,**2007*
    © 2006 Armenian Reporter
    *
    "My Turkishness in Revolt"
    By Taner Akçam
    EDITOR'S NOTE: Taner Akçam – Turkish intellectual, professor at the University of Minnesota, and the author of A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility – recently became the subject of a formal complaint under Turkey's Penal Code Article 301: the same "crime" of "insulting Turkishness" for which Hrant Dink was tried and found guilty by the Turkish judiciary. The essay below – originally published as Türklü?ümün ?syan? ("The Revolt of My Turkishness") in the January 24, 2007 edition of the Turkish newspaper, Radikal – is Mr. Akçam's approved English translation of his original Turkish-language article. It is being reprinted in the Reporter with the author's permission.

    I am a Turk. Hrant was an Armenian. I write for Agos. He was Agos. Hrant, Agos's Turkish writers, and Agos itself risked everything for a cause: to cease the hostility between Turks and Armenians; to bring the resentment and hatred to an end. We wanted each group, each nationality, to live together on the common ground of mutual respect.
    Hrant and Agos were a single flower blooming on the barren plains of Turkey. That flower was destroyed, torn from the ground. Everyone says, "The bullet fired at Hrant hit Turkey." That's true, but we need to ask ourselves in complete and transparent honesty: Who made the target for that bullet? Who targeted Hrant so the bullet would find its mark? Who held him fast so the shot wasn't wasted?
    Hrant wasn't killed by a lone 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who made him a target and held him in place.
    Nor was he killed by a single bullet. It was the targeting, month by month, that murdered him.
    "I'm afraid," he said on January 5. "I'm very afraid, Taner. The attacks on me and on Agos are very systematic. They called me to the Governor's office, where they started making threats. They said, 'We'll make you pay for everything you've been doing.' All the attacks began after I was threatened."
    "2007 is going to be a bad year, Taner," he continued. "They're not going to ease off. We've been made into a horrible target. Between the press, the politicians, and the lawyers, they've created this atmosphere that's so poisonous, they've made us such an obscenity, that we've become sitting ducks.
    "They've opened up hunting season, Taner, and they've got us right where they want us."
    Hrant wasn't killed by a 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who portrayed him as an enemy of Turkey, every single day in the press, to that 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who dragged him to the doors of the courthouse under Article 301. He was murdered by those who aimed Article 301 during their open season on intellectuals, and by those who didn't have the courage to change Article 301. Hrant was murdered by those who called him to the Governor's office and then threatened him instead of protecting him.
    There's no point in shedding crocodile tears. Let us bow our heads and look at our hands. Let us ponder how we will clean off the blood. You organs of the press who have expressed shock over Hrant's death, go read your back issues, look at what you wrote about Hrant. You will see the murderer there. You who used 301 as a weapon to hunt intellectuals, see what you wrote about 301, look at the court decisions. You will see the murderer there.
    Dear government officials, spare us your crocodile tears. Tell us what you plan to do to the Lieutenant Governor who called Hrant into his office and, together with an official from the National Intelligence Bureau, proceeded to threaten him. What do you intend to do to them?
    Hrant was portrayed as "the Armenian who insulted Turkishness." For this he was murdered. He was murdered because he said, "Turkey must confront its history." The hands that pulled the trigger – or caused it to be pulled – in 2007 are the same hands that shot all the Hrants in 1915, the same hands that left all those Armenians to choke in the desert.
    Hrant's killers are sending us a message. They're saying "Yes! We were behind 1915 and we'll do it again in 2007!" Hrant's murderers believe they killed in the name of Turkishness, just like those who killed all the Hrants in 1915.
    For them, Turkishness is about committing murder. It means setting someone up as the enemy and then targeting that person for destruction.
    Quite the contrary, the murderers are a black stain upon the brow of Turkishness. It is they who have demeaned Turkish identity.
    For this reason, we have stood up and we have decided to take Turkishness out of the assassins' hands and we have shouted out, "We are all Hrant! We are all Armenian!" We are the resounding cry of Turkishness and Turkey. All of us – Turks, Kurds, Alevites, secularists, and Muslims alike – shout out on behalf of everyone who wants to take Turkishness away from these murderers.
    Turkishness is a beautiful thing that should be respected instead of left in the hands of murderers; so is Armenianness.
    We can feel proud to be Turkish only if we can acknowledge the murderer for who he is. That is what we are doing today. By declaring, "We are all Armenians," we know that we honor Turkishness; by identifying the true murderer, we create a Turkishness worth claiming.
    Today we declare to the world that murder has nothing to do with Turkishness or Turkey. We are not going to leave Turkishness in the hands of murderers. We will not allow Turkishness to be stained by hate crimes towards Armenians. Either Turkishness belongs to the murderers, or it belongs to us.
    Turks cry out that the person who killed Hrant is a murderer. In the wake of his death, Turkishness affirms that we are all Armenians.
    This, I say, is what we also need to do for 1915.
    If we can affirm that a real Turk is someone who can distance Turkishness from the murder of Hrant Dink, then we ought to be able to do the same thing for the events around 1915. Those who gather in a protective circle around Hrant's murderer are the same people who protected the murderers of 1915. Those who honored Talaat, Bahaettin Sakir and Dr. Nazim yesterday are doing the same for Hrant's murderer today.
    If we can come out and declare Hrant's murder a "shameful act," then we should be able to state the same, as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk did, about the acts that occurred in 1915. Today, hundreds of thousands of us condemn this murder by declaring "We are all Armenian." In 1915, Turks, Kurds, Moslems and Alevites did the same. We have to choose, not only for today but for yesterday as well.
    Whose side are we on? Which "Turkishness" are we defending, the one that defends the murderers or the one that condemns the murderous acts? Do we stand with Kemal, the Mayor of Bo?azl?yan, who annihilated Armenians in 1915, or with Abdullahzade Mehmet Efendi, the Mufti of Bo?azl?yan, who bore witness against that mayor at the trial that lead to his execution, stating, "I fear the wrath of God"?
    Are we going to represent the "Turkishness" that defended the crimes of Talat, Enver, Bahaettin ?akir, Doctor Nâz?m, and Governor Resit of Diyarbak?r? Or will we oppose them in the name of a Turkishness that condemns such horror?
    We need to know that in 1915 we had Mazhar, the governor of Ankara; Celal, the governor of Aleppo; Re?it, the governor of Kastamonu; Cemal, the lieutenant governor of Yozgat; Ali Faik, the mayor of Kütahya; and Ali Fuat, the mayor of Der-Zor. And we had soldiers and army commanders in 1915, men we can embrace with respect, for opposing what happened: Vehip Pasha, Commander of the Third Army; Avni Pasha, Commander of the Trabzon garrison; Colonel Vasfi; and Salim, Major Commandant of the Yozgat post.
    Trabzon has its share of murderers like Ogün Samast in 2007 and Governor Cemal Azmi and Unionist "Yenibahçeli" Nail in 1915. But those who opposed the crimes of 1915 and didn't hesitate to identify the murderers in court included many citizens of Trabzon: Nuri, Chief of Police; businessman, Ahmet Ali Bey; Customs Inspector Nesim Bey, and parliamentarian Hafiz Mehmet Emin Bey, who testified, "I saw with my own eyes that the Armenians were loaded onto boats and taken out and drowned, but I couldn't do anything to stop it."
    These are just a few of the dozens, hundreds, even thousands of people who opposed the horrible acts committed.
    We, Turks and Turkey, have a choice to make. We will affirm either the Turkishness of murderers past and present, or the Turkishness of those who cry out today, "We are all Armenian!" and who yesterday declared, "We will not let our hands be stained with blood."
    The whole world looks upon us with respect because they see us draw a line between Turkishness and barbarism. Today we are building a wall between murderers and Turkishness; we are Turks who know how to point the finger at a murderer.
    We must show the same courage in regard to the events of 1915. Hrant wanted us to. When he said, "I love Turks and Turkey, and I consider it a privilege to be living amongst Turks," that's what he was asking for. We need to acknowledge the murderers of the Hrants of 1915, and we need to draw a line between them and Turkishness. If we are going to own up to this murder in 2007 then we need to do the same for those of 1915.
    That's what confronting one's history is about. Today, by saying to Hrant's murderer, "You don't represent me as a Turk: you are simply a murderer," we have begun the process of confronting and acknowledging our history. We must do the same with the murderers of 1915 by drawing a line between their acts and our Turkishness. We must condemn these murderers as having smeared our brows with the dark stain of their crimes. Then, and only then, can we Turks go about the world with our heads held high.
    I cry out in the name of Turkishness. I cry out as a Turk, as a friend who lost Hrant, my beloved Armenian brother. Let's take back Turkishness from the murderous hands of those who wish to smear us with their dark deeds. Let's shout in one voice, "WE ARE ALL HRANT! WE ARE ALL ARMENIANS!"
    *
    Radikal (Turkey)
    January 24, 2007
    General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

    Comment


    • And now there is another one! Someone has stumbled upon an easy way to make money. Print privately-produced labels with proper stamps attached to them, but sell the labels for several times the actual face-value of the stamp.

      STAMP DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF HRANT DINK ISSUED IN FRANCE

      ArmRadio.am
      21.02.2007 10:25

      A stamp dedicated to the memory of the editor-in-chief of the Agos
      daily Hrant Dink has been issued in France.

      The stamp includes a mention of the day of assassination of Dink,
      instead of the seal it is written: "slain journalist," Turkish "Sabah"
      informs. On the left of the stamp issued by two Armenian citizens it
      is written "1.5 million +1" which symbolizes the number of the Armenian
      population massacred during the events of 1915 and Hrant Dink's death.
      Plenipotentiary meow!

      Comment


      • I heard it was Canada..but info wasn't confirmed...

        Comment


        • ZNet | Europe

          No shame in slaughter

          by Stefan Christoff; Montreal Mirror; February 22, 2007
          The histories of Turkey and Armenia are deeply intertwined. Dating back to the Ottoman Empire, the Armenian Orthodox Christians, a prominent minority community, specialized in commerce, often working as intermediaries for merchants from Europe and the eastern empire. But in the early 20th century, as momentum and support for Armenian independence expanded, Armenians faced mounting repression from Ottoman authorities. During the explosive events of World War I, Ottoman repression resulted in genocide, with an estimated 1.5 million Armenians massacred and expelled from the crumbling empire.

          The Armenian genocide persists as a matter of international controversy, one that Turkish activist and scholar Taner Akçam continues to confront. As one of the first prominent Turkish historians to call the slaughter of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917 a genocide, Akçam's work has garnered international attention.

          His celebrated new book, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility, incorporates archival material from British, German, U.S. and Ottoman records. Akçam will be delivering two lectures in Montreal this weekend.

          Official silence

          "An official recognition of the Armenian genocide must take place in Turkey," Akçam tells the Mirror. "The Armenian diaspora seeks a clear recognition of this historical injustice, which present-day Turkish pro-democracy advocates must support."

          "Despite the international attention toward my book, there has not been one single book review published in Turkey," he says. "People in Turkey can't touch the book publicly due to pressure from government authorities."

          Akçam is not new to controversy. The historian and professor at the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at the University of Minnesota fled Turkey as a political refugee in the 1970s. After receiving a 10-year prison term for producing a student journal that focused on Turkey's treatment of the Kurdish minority, Akçam was declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International in 1976 and eventually granted asylum in Germany.

          "I was part of the 1968 generation, a common student movement in all of Europe and throughout the world," says Akçam. "In Turkey, this student movement had multiple targets, including the U.S. war in Vietnam and democratization in Turkey, an important U.S. ally until today."

          In 2004, the Canadian federal Liberal government presented and passed an "acknowledgement resolution" within Parliament concerning the Armenian genocide. However, Conservative Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay recently tailored the Canadian acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide. MacKay's new position includes a statement in support of a recent Turkish proposal to create a joint investigative commission with Armenia concerning the events surrounding the genocide, which the Armenian Foreign Minister dismissed as a "smokescreen".

          Democratic demands

          Turkey currently faces multiple political crossroads. As negotiations on European Union accession continue, pro-democracy activists continue to mount pressure on the government to recognize the Armenian genocide. Akçam argues that its open acknowledgment is essential to allow an honest discussion of Turkey's past, while opening contemporary political space to address the treatment of minorities today.

          "Recognizing the Armenian genocide is a crucial point in the process of building a vibrant Turkish democracy," says Akçam. "Although the genocide occurred almost 100 years ago, it remains central to the Armenian identity and directly relates to how Turkey treats its minorities today, especially Kurds."

          Both the Turkish government and military continue to publicly deny the Armenian genocide, while grassroots political pressure to recognize the genocide has grown in recent years. "Turkey is facing a political fight between two forces. On one side, the democracy movement--a civil movement without central organization--and on the other side, the unelected authoritarian military bureaucracy which until now has refused to relinquish its grip on power," says Akçam. "The current government is caught in between these two political forces."

          Last month, Armenian-Turkish newspaper editor Hrant Dink was assassinated in Istanbul, allegedly by a Turkish ultra-nationalist. Days after Dink's death, hundreds of thousands gathered in Istanbul to denounce the murder in one of the biggest demonstrations in contemporary Turkish history.

          "The Armenian diaspora should follow closely the current developments in Turkey and build ties with the democracy movement," says Akçam. "Turkey's movement for democratic change views the recognition of the Armenian genocide as part of its struggle, which is one of the
          General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

          Comment


          • ZNet | Europe

            No shame in slaughter

            by Stefan Christoff; Montreal Mirror; February 22, 2007
            The histories of Turkey and Armenia are deeply intertwined. Dating back to the Ottoman Empire, the Armenian Orthodox Christians, a prominent minority community, specialized in commerce, often working as intermediaries for merchants from Europe and the eastern empire. But in the early 20th century, as momentum and support for Armenian independence expanded, Armenians faced mounting repression from Ottoman authorities. During the explosive events of World War I, Ottoman repression resulted in genocide, with an estimated 1.5 million Armenians massacred and expelled from the crumbling empire.

            The Armenian genocide persists as a matter of international controversy, one that Turkish activist and scholar Taner Akçam continues to confront. As one of the first prominent Turkish historians to call the slaughter of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire between 1915 and 1917 a genocide, Akçam's work has garnered international attention.

            His celebrated new book, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility, incorporates archival material from British, German, U.S. and Ottoman records. Akçam will be delivering two lectures in Montreal this weekend.

            Official silence

            "An official recognition of the Armenian genocide must take place in Turkey," Akçam tells the Mirror. "The Armenian diaspora seeks a clear recognition of this historical injustice, which present-day Turkish pro-democracy advocates must support."

            "Despite the international attention toward my book, there has not been one single book review published in Turkey," he says. "People in Turkey can't touch the book publicly due to pressure from government authorities."

            Akçam is not new to controversy. The historian and professor at the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at the University of Minnesota fled Turkey as a political refugee in the 1970s. After receiving a 10-year prison term for producing a student journal that focused on Turkey's treatment of the Kurdish minority, Akçam was declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International in 1976 and eventually granted asylum in Germany.

            "I was part of the 1968 generation, a common student movement in all of Europe and throughout the world," says Akçam. "In Turkey, this student movement had multiple targets, including the U.S. war in Vietnam and democratization in Turkey, an important U.S. ally until today."

            In 2004, the Canadian federal Liberal government presented and passed an "acknowledgement resolution" within Parliament concerning the Armenian genocide. However, Conservative Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay recently tailored the Canadian acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide. MacKay's new position includes a statement in support of a recent Turkish proposal to create a joint investigative commission with Armenia concerning the events surrounding the genocide, which the Armenian Foreign Minister dismissed as a "smokescreen".

            Democratic demands

            Turkey currently faces multiple political crossroads. As negotiations on European Union accession continue, pro-democracy activists continue to mount pressure on the government to recognize the Armenian genocide. Akçam argues that its open acknowledgment is essential to allow an honest discussion of Turkey's past, while opening contemporary political space to address the treatment of minorities today.

            "Recognizing the Armenian genocide is a crucial point in the process of building a vibrant Turkish democracy," says Akçam. "Although the genocide occurred almost 100 years ago, it remains central to the Armenian identity and directly relates to how Turkey treats its minorities today, especially Kurds."

            Both the Turkish government and military continue to publicly deny the Armenian genocide, while grassroots political pressure to recognize the genocide has grown in recent years. "Turkey is facing a political fight between two forces. On one side, the democracy movement--a civil movement without central organization--and on the other side, the unelected authoritarian military bureaucracy which until now has refused to relinquish its grip on power," says Akçam. "The current government is caught in between these two political forces."

            Last month, Armenian-Turkish newspaper editor Hrant Dink was assassinated in Istanbul, allegedly by a Turkish ultra-nationalist. Days after Dink's death, hundreds of thousands gathered in Istanbul to denounce the murder in one of the biggest demonstrations in contemporary Turkish history.

            "The Armenian diaspora should follow closely the current developments in Turkey and build ties with the democracy movement," says Akçam. "Turkey's movement for democratic change views the recognition of the Armenian genocide as part of its struggle, which is one of the
            General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

            Comment




            • Prosecutors launch probe into Dink funeral slogans


              The prosecutor's office for Istanbul's Sisli district has launched an investigation into ?i?li Mayor Mustafa Sar?gül and the committee that organized the funeral for journalist Hrant Dink, the slain editor of the Turkish-Armenian weekly Agos, for the slogans "We are all Armenian; We are all Hrant Dink," according to a report from Milliyet daily.

              The slogans were printed on posters and chanted by marchers during Dink's funeral procession through downtown Istanbul. Last month, hundreds of thousands of Turks poured into the streets of Istanbul after Hrant Dink's murder, many chanting, "We are all Hrant Dink; We are all Armenian," in an unprecedented display of solidarity. The slogans angered ultranationalist circles and drew criticism from even moderately nationalistic groups.
              A reporter for a local daily in the northern city of Sinop, Mete Ça?da?, filed a complaint to the local prosecutor's office in Sinop. Ça?da?'s application accused Sisli Mayor Mustafa Sar?gül and the funeral organizers of turning the atmosphere at the funeral into one for a fallen "militant," a term used subjectively in this case to discredit the legitimacy of the protests.
              The application read: "Those in the procession chanted, 'We are all Hrant; We are all Armenian,' and carried banners with the same expressions. Is this not racism?"
              Ça?da?'s complaint also claimed that the slogan "Murderer 301," suggesting that anti-free speech penal code Article 301 under which Dink had been tried and convicted was a major factor behind the killing, was itself an insult to the Turkish Penal Code, which in turn was a violation of the law. Mayor Sar?gül and the organizers were also blamed for not having unfurled any flags of the Republic of Turkey, the complaint file noted.
              According to Milliyet's report, the chief prosecutor's office in Sinop had no jurisdiction in the case and relayed the file to the Sisli chief prosecutor's office in late January. Sisli prosecutors launched an investigation which might end up in a law suit against the organizers or in dismissal. In either case, the Sisli office will have to make a statement clarifying its opinion of the funeral slogans.
              General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

              Comment


              • Newsweek article

                Turkey's Violent New Nationalism
                Turkey's pro-European elite is the target of a growing wave of violent
                ultra-nationalism.

                By Owen Matthews
                Newsweek International

                March 5, 2007 issue - The threats have been arriving daily, often via
                e-mail. "You traitors to Turkey have had your day," reads one. "Stop
                prostituting yourself and your country to foreigners or you will face
                the consequences."

                Not long ago, E, a prominent Turkish writer, would have shrugged off
                such missives-as did his friend Hrank Dink, the editor of Agos,
                Turkey's main Armenian-language newspaper, who for years had been a
                target of nationalist hate-mail. But after Dink was shot dead last
                month by a 17-year-old ultranationalist assassin, the threats suddenly
                became deadly serious. "Things are changing in Turkey, very much for
                the worse," says E, asking that his name not be used for fear of
                reprisals. "Before Dink's murder, I always spoke out against
                nationalism and narrow-mindedness. Now I fear for my life."

                A wave of violence is sweeping Turkey, targeting its modern,
                pro-European elite. Prominent liberals like Can Dundar, a columnist at
                the newspaper Milliyet who supported a 100,000-strong march in
                Istanbul protesting Dink's killing, have received warnings to "be
                smart" and tone down their coverage. Nobel Prize-winning writer Orhan
                Pamuk, vilified by nationalists for comments hemade last year
                condemning the massacres of Ottoman Armenians in 1915, canceled a
                reading tour in Germany and has left Turkey for self-imposed exile in
                the United States. Many other academics and journalists have been
                given police protection.

                It's not only intellectuals who feel beseiged. Turkey's ruling AK
                Party faces the same peril-a nationalist backlash that is undermining
                four years of sweeping progress. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
                Erdogan, once feared by Turkey's pro-Western elite for his Islamist
                background, finds himself fighting to protect liberal values on
                everything from human rights and free expression to membership in the
                European Union. Erdogan condemned Dink's murder as "a bullet fired at
                the heart of Turkish democracy." The killers, he said, were "not
                nationalists but racists," bent on isolating Turkey from the modern
                world. But the evidence is mounting that the tide is turning against
                him and his European agenda.

                The nationalists have a growing list of grievances. Chief among them:
                that Erdogan, prodded by Brussels, granted more cultural rights to the
                country's 13 million Kurds. But instead of peace, the last year has
                seen an upsurge in Kurdish guerrilla attacks on Turkish
                soldiers. That's given rise, in turn,to a number of anti-Kurdish
                nationalist groups. The leader of one such group, the Patriotic Forces
                in Mersin, an ethnically mixed town in the largely Kurdish southeast,
                recently called on "Turkish patriots" to take to the streets to
                prevent Kurds from "taking over." Worse, Erdogan's entire EU project
                was called into question last December when Brussels partially
                suspended talks in a dispute over Cyprus. After so many sacrifices for
                Brussels' sake, many Turks considered it "a slap in the face," says
                Naci Tunc, an activist for the Nationalist Action Party, or MHP.

                With national elections this fall, Erdogan himself is under intense
                political pressure to take a more nationalist line. Recent polls in
                Milliyet show that support for the MHP has risen to 14.1 percent, up
                from 8.4 percent inthe 2003 vote, while support for the AK Party has
                slipped from 33 percent to 26. A bellwether of just how far Erodogan
                is willing to go in accommodating the nationalists involves the
                notorious Article 301, a provision of the national legal code that
                criminalizes "denigrating Turkishness" and has been used to prosecute
                dozens of journalists and writers, including Pamuk. Brussels insists
                that it must go; all of Turkey's opposition parties, chasing
                nationalist votes, insist it must stay. "We want to change the
                article," says a seniormember of Erdogan's cabinet. "But we are
                alone."

                Another test comes in April, when Erdogan must decide whether or not
                to run for president-a largely symbolic post, but one which carries
                veto power over all legislation. The president is elected by
                Parliament, where Erdogan enjoys a comfortable majority. But as a
                former Islamist, imprisoned as recently 1999 for sedition, he faces
                strong opposition from conservatives in Turkey's politically powerful
                and staunchly secular military, judiciary and bureaucracy-
                collectively known as the "deep state." They insist on a more
                moderate, secular president as a counterbalance to Erdogan, or
                whomever the AK Partymight choose to succeed him.

                Perhaps not even Erdogan himself, as yet, knows whether he will indeed
                make a play for the presidency. But if he does, Islamist-hating
                nationalist radicals are sure to be inflamed. Dangerously, there's
                evidence linking many of Turkey's ultranationalists to the Army and
                security forces. A video leakedto the media earlier this month showed
                Dink's 17-year-old killer, Ogün Samast, posing with smiling police
                officers and holding a Turkish flag after his arrest.

                An internal investigation has also shown that warnings of plans to
                kill Dink were ignored by Istanbul police-though it's not clear
                whether due to negligence or malice.

                Erdogan is too canny a politician to antagonize the country's Army to
                the point that an old-style coup becomes likely. But at the same time,
                he must tread carefully. Last week the chief of the military General
                Staff, Yasar Buyukanit, spoke out against those who sought to "split
                the state." It was a clear warning to pro-Armenian liberals and
                separatist Kurds, but most of all to Erdogan as he considers the
                thorny problems of reforming Article 301 and whether to run for
                president.

                It's a delicate balancing act. He must at once crack down on
                ultranationalist thuggery, without alienating an increasingly
                nationalist electorate. And he needs to continue with his government's
                program of reform, lest Turkey's EU bid fail irrecoverably. As
                resistance to his policies continues to grow more violent, that job
                will become vastly more difficult-if not impossible.

                With Sami Kohen in Istanbul
                © 2007 Newsweek, Inc.

                URL: _http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/17311794/site/newsweek/_
                (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/17311794/site/newsweek/)
                General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

                Comment




                • We are all NOT Hrant Dink
                  By George Aghjayan

                  I am not one of those that claim to have known Hrant Dink, the recently assassinated Armenian editor of the newspaper Agos. I will not recite some personal experience we had together.

                  At the risk of appearing to be one of the numerous parasites attempting to capitalize in some grotesque way from the death of a truly brave man, I wish to comment on what has become a mantra for those wishing to memorialize Hrant - "We are All Hrant Dink, We are All Armenians".

                  This call to action is meant to make a life, ended too soon and in a senseless way, somehow less senseless. It is to shout out that while one voice has been silenced 1000's will rise to take his place. "We understand Hrant's pain and we are showing solidarity with his cause."

                  I understand the sentiment, but the reality is that such sentiments are shallow and fleeting. It is a sad commentary on society, yet within a week Hrant's murder will pass silently into historical forgetfulness.

                  The truth is that very few of us understand the humiliation, fear and frustration of being deemed inferior. In a very real sense, we feel uncomfortable at being reminded of class divisions - not everyone enjoys the same liberties we take for granted.

                  Hrant was killed for being an "uppity Negro", an Armenian who believed he had rights in Turkey because it was the country of his birth. One hundred years ago, the Ku Kux Klan used intimidation and lynching to put those "uppity Negroes" in their place just as the ruling elite of the Ottoman Empire put those "uppity Armenians" in theirs. And now Hrant Dink has been put in his place.

                  The government of Turkey, most notably its secular military component, has long advocated a climate conducive to viewing the lives of Armenians as worthless. Ermeni is a derogatory word to the likes of Ogun Samast and Yasin Hayal, the killers of Hrant. Well-meaning Turks cannot fully comprehend the humiliation and intimidation that exists.

                  When I was in high school, I was assigned to read the book "Black Like Me" about journalist John Giffin's experiences in the American South. Griffin had a doctor artificially darken his skin so as to expose himself to the experiences of an African American. Griffin's account of the racism and degrading living conditions is jarring.

                  No matter how sympathetic we may be to the plight of some group of people, we cannot appreciate their suffering from the comfort of the privileged.

                  As much as I support the movement for reparations to African Americans and Native Americans, I cannot truly be like them. There is a difference. The best that the well meaning advantaged can do is break down the barriers that create "others" and to atone for the decades of criminal treatment. Article 301 of Turkey's penal code is just one example, but there are others ranging from restrictions on the transfer of property to racist propaganda that demonizes Armenians to outright killings.

                  Those of us born, raised and living in the Diaspora cannot possibly understand the breath of the life Hrant Dink lived as an Armenian in Turkey. He was a rare breed to stand for rights he believed Armenians deserved - while the more natural tendency is to remain silent hoping to avoid any undo attention or leave the country altogether.

                  At the same time, Hrant could not possibly understand the depth of frustration of growing up in the Diaspora. This is not meant to be a criticism; it is only to state something so obvious that it should not need stating.

                  We are not all Hrant Dink - we did not share his life experiences or perspective deriving from those experiences. There has been no honest and investigative "Armenian Like Me.
                  General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

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                  • Originally posted by Joseph View Post
                    *
                    Armenian Reporter, Feb. 10,**2007*
                    © 2006 Armenian Reporter
                    *
                    "My Turkishness in Revolt"
                    By Taner Akçam
                    EDITOR'S NOTE: Taner Akçam – Turkish intellectual, professor at the University of Minnesota, and the author of A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility – recently became the subject of a formal complaint under Turkey's Penal Code Article 301: the same "crime" of "insulting Turkishness" for which Hrant Dink was tried and found guilty by the Turkish judiciary. The essay below – originally published as Türklü?ümün ?syan? ("The Revolt of My Turkishness") in the January 24, 2007 edition of the Turkish newspaper, Radikal – is Mr. Akçam's approved English translation of his original Turkish-language article. It is being reprinted in the Reporter with the author's permission.

                    I am a Turk. Hrant was an Armenian. I write for Agos. He was Agos. Hrant, Agos's Turkish writers, and Agos itself risked everything for a cause: to cease the hostility between Turks and Armenians; to bring the resentment and hatred to an end. We wanted each group, each nationality, to live together on the common ground of mutual respect.
                    Hrant and Agos were a single flower blooming on the barren plains of Turkey. That flower was destroyed, torn from the ground. Everyone says, "The bullet fired at Hrant hit Turkey." That's true, but we need to ask ourselves in complete and transparent honesty: Who made the target for that bullet? Who targeted Hrant so the bullet would find its mark? Who held him fast so the shot wasn't wasted?
                    Hrant wasn't killed by a lone 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who made him a target and held him in place.
                    Nor was he killed by a single bullet. It was the targeting, month by month, that murdered him.
                    "I'm afraid," he said on January 5. "I'm very afraid, Taner. The attacks on me and on Agos are very systematic. They called me to the Governor's office, where they started making threats. They said, 'We'll make you pay for everything you've been doing.' All the attacks began after I was threatened."
                    "2007 is going to be a bad year, Taner," he continued. "They're not going to ease off. We've been made into a horrible target. Between the press, the politicians, and the lawyers, they've created this atmosphere that's so poisonous, they've made us such an obscenity, that we've become sitting ducks.
                    "They've opened up hunting season, Taner, and they've got us right where they want us."
                    Hrant wasn't killed by a 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who portrayed him as an enemy of Turkey, every single day in the press, to that 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who dragged him to the doors of the courthouse under Article 301. He was murdered by those who aimed Article 301 during their open season on intellectuals, and by those who didn't have the courage to change Article 301. Hrant was murdered by those who called him to the Governor's office and then threatened him instead of protecting him.
                    There's no point in shedding crocodile tears. Let us bow our heads and look at our hands. Let us ponder how we will clean off the blood. You organs of the press who have expressed shock over Hrant's death, go read your back issues, look at what you wrote about Hrant. You will see the murderer there. You who used 301 as a weapon to hunt intellectuals, see what you wrote about 301, look at the court decisions. You will see the murderer there.
                    Dear government officials, spare us your crocodile tears. Tell us what you plan to do to the Lieutenant Governor who called Hrant into his office and, together with an official from the National Intelligence Bureau, proceeded to threaten him. What do you intend to do to them?
                    Hrant was portrayed as "the Armenian who insulted Turkishness." For this he was murdered. He was murdered because he said, "Turkey must confront its history." The hands that pulled the trigger – or caused it to be pulled – in 2007 are the same hands that shot all the Hrants in 1915, the same hands that left all those Armenians to choke in the desert.
                    Hrant's killers are sending us a message. They're saying "Yes! We were behind 1915 and we'll do it again in 2007!" Hrant's murderers believe they killed in the name of Turkishness, just like those who killed all the Hrants in 1915.
                    For them, Turkishness is about committing murder. It means setting someone up as the enemy and then targeting that person for destruction.
                    Quite the contrary, the murderers are a black stain upon the brow of Turkishness. It is they who have demeaned Turkish identity.
                    For this reason, we have stood up and we have decided to take Turkishness out of the assassins' hands and we have shouted out, "We are all Hrant! We are all Armenian!" We are the resounding cry of Turkishness and Turkey. All of us – Turks, Kurds, Alevites, secularists, and Muslims alike – shout out on behalf of everyone who wants to take Turkishness away from these murderers.
                    Turkishness is a beautiful thing that should be respected instead of left in the hands of murderers; so is Armenianness.
                    We can feel proud to be Turkish only if we can acknowledge the murderer for who he is. That is what we are doing today. By declaring, "We are all Armenians," we know that we honor Turkishness; by identifying the true murderer, we create a Turkishness worth claiming.
                    Today we declare to the world that murder has nothing to do with Turkishness or Turkey. We are not going to leave Turkishness in the hands of murderers. We will not allow Turkishness to be stained by hate crimes towards Armenians. Either Turkishness belongs to the murderers, or it belongs to us.
                    Turks cry out that the person who killed Hrant is a murderer. In the wake of his death, Turkishness affirms that we are all Armenians.
                    This, I say, is what we also need to do for 1915.
                    If we can affirm that a real Turk is someone who can distance Turkishness from the murder of Hrant Dink, then we ought to be able to do the same thing for the events around 1915. Those who gather in a protective circle around Hrant's murderer are the same people who protected the murderers of 1915. Those who honored Talaat, Bahaettin Sakir and Dr. Nazim yesterday are doing the same for Hrant's murderer today.
                    If we can come out and declare Hrant's murder a "shameful act," then we should be able to state the same, as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk did, about the acts that occurred in 1915. Today, hundreds of thousands of us condemn this murder by declaring "We are all Armenian." In 1915, Turks, Kurds, Moslems and Alevites did the same. We have to choose, not only for today but for yesterday as well.
                    Whose side are we on? Which "Turkishness" are we defending, the one that defends the murderers or the one that condemns the murderous acts? Do we stand with Kemal, the Mayor of Bo?azl?yan, who annihilated Armenians in 1915, or with Abdullahzade Mehmet Efendi, the Mufti of Bo?azl?yan, who bore witness against that mayor at the trial that lead to his execution, stating, "I fear the wrath of God"?
                    Are we going to represent the "Turkishness" that defended the crimes of Talat, Enver, Bahaettin ?akir, Doctor Nâz?m, and Governor Resit of Diyarbak?r? Or will we oppose them in the name of a Turkishness that condemns such horror?
                    We need to know that in 1915 we had Mazhar, the governor of Ankara; Celal, the governor of Aleppo; Re?it, the governor of Kastamonu; Cemal, the lieutenant governor of Yozgat; Ali Faik, the mayor of Kütahya; and Ali Fuat, the mayor of Der-Zor. And we had soldiers and army commanders in 1915, men we can embrace with respect, for opposing what happened: Vehip Pasha, Commander of the Third Army; Avni Pasha, Commander of the Trabzon garrison; Colonel Vasfi; and Salim, Major Commandant of the Yozgat post.
                    Trabzon has its share of murderers like Ogün Samast in 2007 and Governor Cemal Azmi and Unionist "Yenibahçeli" Nail in 1915. But those who opposed the crimes of 1915 and didn't hesitate to identify the murderers in court included many citizens of Trabzon: Nuri, Chief of Police; businessman, Ahmet Ali Bey; Customs Inspector Nesim Bey, and parliamentarian Hafiz Mehmet Emin Bey, who testified, "I saw with my own eyes that the Armenians were loaded onto boats and taken out and drowned, but I couldn't do anything to stop it."
                    These are just a few of the dozens, hundreds, even thousands of people who opposed the horrible acts committed.
                    We, Turks and Turkey, have a choice to make. We will affirm either the Turkishness of murderers past and present, or the Turkishness of those who cry out today, "We are all Armenian!" and who yesterday declared, "We will not let our hands be stained with blood."
                    The whole world looks upon us with respect because they see us draw a line between Turkishness and barbarism. Today we are building a wall between murderers and Turkishness; we are Turks who know how to point the finger at a murderer.
                    We must show the same courage in regard to the events of 1915. Hrant wanted us to. When he said, "I love Turks and Turkey, and I consider it a privilege to be living amongst Turks," that's what he was asking for. We need to acknowledge the murderers of the Hrants of 1915, and we need to draw a line between them and Turkishness. If we are going to own up to this murder in 2007 then we need to do the same for those of 1915.
                    That's what confronting one's history is about. Today, by saying to Hrant's murderer, "You don't represent me as a Turk: you are simply a murderer," we have begun the process of confronting and acknowledging our history. We must do the same with the murderers of 1915 by drawing a line between their acts and our Turkishness. We must condemn these murderers as having smeared our brows with the dark stain of their crimes. Then, and only then, can we Turks go about the world with our heads held high.
                    I cry out in the name of Turkishness. I cry out as a Turk, as a friend who lost Hrant, my beloved Armenian brother. Let's take back Turkishness from the murderous hands of those who wish to smear us with their dark deeds. Let's shout in one voice, "WE ARE ALL HRANT! WE ARE ALL ARMENIANS!"
                    *
                    Radikal (Turkey)
                    January 24, 2007

                    No this is not fair...I can't stand this anymore. I felt like crying when I read this article, his fear, his lack of hope, his disappointment. He didn't have to die. My God I don't know what to say...

                    Comment


                    • Turkey's nationalist hotbed
                      By Sarah Rainsford
                      BBC News, Trabzon, eastern Turkey


                      On match days Trabzon turns claret and blue as thousands of football fans stream towards their stadium.
                      The Black Sea port city was always famous for its football. The only team outside Istanbul ever to win the league title, Trabzonspor, is the pride of this place - its identity.

                      But the city is now notorious as home to the teenage boy and eight accomplices charged with plotting to kill ethnic Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, who was shot dead in Istanbul last month.

                      Some here seem proud of that connection.

                      'We're all Turks'

                      When Dink was murdered, tens of thousands of people took to the streets of Istanbul and declared themselves Armenian in solidarity.


                      In public people will say it is bad that [Hrant Dink] was killed, but to most Trabzon people he was not an intellectual - he was just an Armenian
                      Political activist Zeynep Erdugul
                      In Trabzon, football fans held up banners in response that read: "We're all Turks."
                      "People here are proud to be Turks, without thinking about what it really means. There is a blind nationalism here. Racism has flourished," says local political activist Zeynep Erdugul.

                      Two years ago she and her friends were beaten in the streets of Trabzon by a furious mob that mistook them for supporters of the Kurdish separatist party, the PKK.

                      Ms Erdugul fears nationalist feeling is now climbing to dangerous new heights.

                      In public people will say it is bad that Hrant Dink was killed, but to most Trabzon people he was not an intellectual - he was just an Armenian," she says.

                      'Insecure place'

                      The alleged teenage gunman, Ogun Samast, is said to have told police the journalist had "insulted Turkishness" by contesting the state position that the mass killing of Armenians by Turks in 1915 was not genocide.


                      Tucked away on Turkey's northern coast between snow-capped mountains and the Black Sea, Trabzon was once a cosmopolitan metropolis. It was a Greek colony, then capital of the Trebizond Empire - a bustling trading town on the Silk Road.
                      As the Turkish Republic was forged a century ago, the Greeks were expelled and the Armenians deported or killed.

                      When Trabzon people talk about outsiders today, they mean migrants from the next village.

                      "The nationalist instinct is higher in Trabzon than in other regions of Turkey and it's rising," says newspaper editor Ali Ozturk.

                      He describes Trabzon as an insecure, even paranoid, place.

                      "From time to time Trabzon appears on new maps of a Greater Armenia or the Pontus Greek Empire and some groups here see that as a real threat. They think the Armenians and Greeks want to take over their land and that makes them very sensitive," Mr Ozturk says.

                      'Lost hopes'

                      But most locals believe it was poverty that drove Dink's alleged killers to murder.


                      They point to crowds of youths and men wandering the city's cobbled streets or lounging on its benches, unemployed and disenchanted.
                      Mayor Volkan Canalioglu rejects any suggestion that there is a problem here with ultra-nationalism.

                      "Murders, rapes and other crimes are on the increase all over the world," he says. "Hrant Dink's killing should be seen in that context.

                      "The people of this region have characters like the waves of the Black Sea. They explode suddenly then calm down.

                      "When you add unemployment, broken homes and lost hopes to that character - then it's very easy to influence people here, and provoke them to action."

                      Unemployment levels here are about average for Turkey, but there is just one factory and it produces young players for Trabzonspor.

                      Football-mad city

                      Football is the height of boys' hopes here. It represents their ticket to wealth and status, and a way to prove themselves.


                      "The young people of Trabzon are so neglected that there are no other opportunities to fulfil their ambitions," says youth team co-ordinator Ozkan Sumer, as boys in pale blue dash about a nearby training pitch.
                      A former Trabzonspor player himself, Mr Sumer makes mighty claims for the game this city is obsessed with.

                      "Young people here are left dangling and there's always a danger they could break away from society. Football is the only thing that keeps them from falling," he says.

                      In depressed city suburbs like Pelitli, there does seem little else to dream of.

                      The accused gunman and his alleged chief accomplice both come from this neglected neighbourhood, where small children play in puddles and older boys chase a ball down the street.

                      But even Pelitli has a football team and the both the main accused played for it.

                      The team, Pelitlispor, initially carried messages of support for its ex-teammates on its website.

                      Friends of those in custody now insist they do not agree with the murder of Dink. But they do share the alleged killer's controversial views on Turkish history.

                      "As the people of this soil, we don't believe there was any Armenian genocide," says one friend, Serkan.

                      It is that view - still the official position of Turkey and hotly disputed by Armenians - that Dink challenged in his work.

                      "This land is ours - and when there are things to defend, we definitely do that," adds another friend of one of the accused.

                      "But we talk about football or finding a job round here, not about Hrant Dink or any genocide."

                      Trabzon is a city where nationalism is nurtured and admired. It certainly does not feel ashamed by its association with the murder of Dink. It feels defensive.

                      The only question people here are asking themselves is what all the fuss is about.

                      Story from BBC NEWS:
                      BBC, News, BBC News, news online, world, uk, international, foreign, british, online, service


                      Published: 2007/03/01 10:21:32 GMT

                      © BBC MMVII
                      General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

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