Who owns what in Armenia

[Vrej1915]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

Հովիկ Աբրահամյանի հետ ինչ որ բան է կատարվել

ՀԱՅԿԱԶՆ ՂԱՀՐԻՅԱՆ, Գլխավոր խմբագիր
Մեկնաբանություն - 26 Փետրվարի 2015

Երեկ խորհրդարանում Հովիկ Աբրահամյանն ասել է, որ իր գլխավորությամբ կոռուպցիայի դեմ պայքարի նոր խորհուրդը կգործի թափանցիկ, օրենքի շրջանակներում, ներգրավելով իրավապահներին, փաստերի հիման վրա բարձրացված հարցերին լուծում կտա:

Հետո, որպեսզի ոչ ոք չկասկածի հանձնաժողովի գործունեությանը, նա խոսել է իր մասին. “Ապրիլ ամսից վարչապետ եմ, որևէ մեկը թող ասի, որ ես բիզնես եմ ստեղծել այս կամ Ազգային ժողովի նախագահ եղած տարիներին, կամ որևէ բիզնեսի հետ սերտաճած եմ: Անհիմն տեղեկություններ են տարածում»:

Ահա մոտավորապես այն «անհիմն տեղեկությունները», որոնք փաստերով ու փաստաթղթերով հայտնվել են հայկական մամուլի էջերում. ըստ այդ հրապարակումների, Աբրահամյանին ու նրա ընտանիքին են պատկանում ավազի հանքեր Արաքս գետի ափին, հազարավոր հեկտար հողեր, այգիներ, տասնյակ գազալցակայաններ, «Արարատցեմենտի» բաժնետոմսերի մեկ երրորդը, խաղատներ, բենզալցակայաններ, 7 միլիոն դոլար արժեքով հանգստյան տուն Ղրիմում, գործարաններ, հյուրանոցներ, ռեստորաններ, ավտոձեռնարկություն, հանգստյան տուն Ծաղկաձորում եւ 5 հեկտար հող, բազմահարկ շենքեր Երեւանում...

Այսքանից հետո ասել, թե ինքը որեւէ բիզնեսի հետ սերտաճած չէ՝ մի քիչ տարօրինակ է դառնում: Ավելին, այդ հայտարարությունը կարող է ինչ որ տեղ նույնիսկ «ուրացում» լինել: Հովիկ Աբրահամյանը ժամանակին տարբեր «թեւավոր» արտահայտություններ է արել, սակայն այս մեկը վերջին իրադարձությունների ֆոնին արտահայտում է խորքային մի շարք հանգամանքներ:

Խնդիրն այն է, որ Հովիկ Աբրահամյանը հայտնվել է երկու կրակի արանքում՝ Արեւմուտքից ու Ռուսաստանից փող չեն տալիս, առաջարկելով պայքարել կոռուպցիայի դեմ: Այսինքն՝ փողը գտնել Հայաստանում: Իսկ Հայաստանում էլ նրան մատնացույց են արել, թե որտեղից պետք է հանել «միլիարդավոր չմուծված հարկերը»՝ իր խնամու՝ Գագիկ Ծառուկյանի բիզնեսներից:

Հովիկ Աբրահամյանն արագորեն ձեւավորեց Հակակոռուպցիոն հանձնաժողով, ինքն էլ գլխավորելով այն, քանի որ կան մի շարք էական հանգամանքներ: Բանն այն է, որ «միլիարդավոր չմուծված հարկերն», այնուամենայնիվ, վերաբերվում են նաեւ Հովիկ Աբրահամյանին, քանի որ եթե ոչ ինքն անձամբ, ապա նրա մերձավորները «սերտաճած են» ոչ միայն իրենց, այլեւ խնամու բիզնեսներին:

Այսպիսով, անակնկալ կերպով պետական ու անձնական շահերը բավական հստակ դրվել են վարչապետի առաջ: Ընդ որում, այդ շահերը հակասում են միմյանց, եւ սա է իրավիճակի ողջ բարդությունը վարչապետի համար: Հակակոռուպցիոն հանձնաժողովն անհրաժեշտ է, որպեսզի այս հարցը լուծվի «արդարաբար», ինչպես իր պաշտոնամուտին հայտարարել էր Հովիկ Աբրահամյանը: Տվյալ դեպքում՝ որպեսզի կարողանա առավելագույնս պահպանել այն սեփականությունը, որին «սերտաճած են» ինքն ու խնամին, իրենց ընտանիքները:

Հնարավո՞ր է արդյոք համատեղել այս շահերը: Բնականաբար ոչ, քանի որ հայաստանյան բիզնես-քաղաքական համակարգը ստեղծվել է հենց հանրային-պետական շահերն անտեսելու հաշվին: Եվ տվյալ իրավիճակում դժվար թե Հովիկ Աբրահամյանին հետաքրքրի պետական շահը, քանի որ դա ոչ մեկին չի հետաքրքրում: Խնդիրն ընդամենը այդ շահի տակ չընկնելն է:

Հովիկ Աբրահամյանին մարդկայնորեն իհարկե կարելի է հասկանալ: Ընտրությունը մեծ չէ, ընտրություն չկա էլ: Մյուս կողմից, Հայաստանում տասնյակ հազարավոր աղքատ ընտանիքներ կան, որոնց հայրերը չեն հասցնում իրենց երեխաներին ապահովել գոնե նվազագույնով, եւ չեն կարողանում նայել նրանց աչքերին: Ո՞վ է նրանց հասցրել այդ վիճակին:

Ոչինչ հավերժ չէ, այդ թվում պաշտոնը: Եթե այն չլինի՝ ինչպե՞ս կարող է Հովիկ Աբրահամյանը պահպանեու սեփականությունը, որին «սերտաճած չէ»:

[londontsi]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

FROM

https://occrp.org/occrp/index.php

OCCRP - Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project

Armenian PM’s Business is a Family Affair


Armenian Prime Minister Hovik Abrahamyan has close family members who own more than 35 businesses in Armenia.

The Armenian Constitution prohibits government officials from engaging in commercial enterprises while in office, a statute that is seldom enforced. Abrahamyan has no businesses officially registered under his name.

But his wife, his children and their spouses, his brother and his nephew are among the family members who own controlling shares in lucrative mines, shopping centers, hotels, alcohol production, food production, automobile service stations, and transportation, construction and real estate companies.

Abrahamyan and his wife Julieta do not hide the fact that they are wealthy: their combined official financial disclosures for 2013 totaled just over US$ 6 million.

http://ethics.am/hy/declarations-registry/id=306/

But the family’s known business holdings suggest far greater wealth.........

https://occrp.org/occrp/en/investigations/3662-armenian-pm-s-business-is-a-family-affair

[Vrej1915]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

[COLOR="#FF0000"]How our internal calamity state is used by the enemy's propaganda....[/COLOR]
Just to remind, there are only 2 cement factories in Armenia.
The biggest is in Aratat, owned by Dodi Gago, the second is Hraztan, was owned by Baghdassarov/Serjik
And yes, it was and still is one of the biggest big money generators of our economy, related directly to the gas price, and state subsidies......
__________________________________________________
Armenia's oligarchy in trouble
By Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu
March 7, 2015

[Mehmet Fatih Oztarsu is an analyst with the Strategic Outlook Institution.]

In a somewhat predictable move, Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan has
sent a letter to parliament speaker Galust Sahakyan urging that
protocols between Turkey and Armenia be retracted.

Sarksyan, who asserted in his letter that Turkey has not taken the
steps necessary in conjunction with the 2009 protocols -- signed to
normalize ties between Turkey and Armenia in Zurich on Oct. 10, 2009,
with the goal of establishing diplomatic relations and opening the two
countries' land border -- and that it is Ankara which bears full
responsibility for this failure, noted also that political will in
Turkey on the Armenian front is sorely lacking.

Sarksyan is, of course, a skilled chess player, and his moves in the
run-up to April 24 -- the day on which the Armenian victims who died
at the end of World War I in Ottoman Turkey are commemorated -- are a
repeat of past years; he is trying to draw the attention of the
international community to the situation between Yerevan and Ankara.
In the meantime, Sarksyan's stance never wavers from the principle of
not being the first side to sit down at the table for talks; he is
also now using the lack of political activity in Turkey on the
protocol front in a masterly -- and timely -- manner.

At work in this latest move from Sarksyan is not just the hasty stance
taken by the Turkish side in inviting him to Canakkale, commemorating
the centenary of the battle of the Canakkale Campaign of World War I,
but also domestic political turbulence at home in Armenia. And this is
the most important symbol of the oligarchic battle that began recently
in Armenia.

The war between Sarksyan and Armenia's biggest oligarch, the founder
and leader of the Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK), Gagik Tsarukyan,
might well make Sarksyan even more authoritarian than he already is.
For his part, Tsarukyan has the widely known nickname of "Dodi Gago"
or "Stupid Gago," and as not only an oligarch but an important
politician he has displayed an anti-Sarksyan stance for a while now,
working in concert with generally anti-Sarksyan blocs in Armenia.

Worsened relations between Tsarukyan and Sarksyan

Recent decisions made by the ruling party to make moves against tax
evasion in Armenia have worsened relations between Tsarukyan and
Sarksyan, with worries over the possibility of the loss of his
enormous empire pushing him to take an even tougher stance. In the
meantime, though, the response from Sarksyan -- who is himself a
resilient former soldier -- did not take long in coming. Labeling
Tsarukyan a disaster for the state, Sarksyan first announced that the
oligarch had been unceremoniously kicked off the National Security
Council of Armenia, and then noted that people should not expect to be
able to arrive at and depart from such an important council as though
they were "going to the cinema." As this was playing out, circles
close to Sarksyan began to underscore how vital it was to eliminate
Tsarukyan without wasting time. It is expected that, at any moment
now, Sarksyan will strike a serious blow at Tsarukyan's chain of
oligarchy. In the meantime, another important Armenian oligarch, Hovik
Abrahamyan, has announced his full-fledged support for Sarksyan, thus
putting Tsarukyan even more in the target position.

As all this unfolds, Robert Kocharyan, who was the second president of
Armenia, and is also one of the most critical fulcrums in the
unshakable Armenian oligarchy, has called on all sides to bring this
war to an end as soon as possible.

Kocharyan, who underscored in his announcement that the oligarchic war
would have negative effects on the country's economy, the Karabakh
issue and, of course, all the topics related to the 100th anniversary
of the Armenian genocide, has also noted his real fears that the war
might come right to his own doorstep. Following Kocharyan's
announcement, Sarksyan and Tsarukyan did, in fact, hold a private
meeting in which the war was postponed for the time being. Tsarukyan's
decision to make peace for now has, in the meantime, greatly
disappointed opposition forces in Armenia, who had been planning large
rallies with this oligarch and politician. While that particular war
has abated for the time being, it does appear that the question of how
Armenian resources are to be distributed looks set to elicit the axes
of war again in the near future. And so this is, for now, the greatest
deadlock in Armenia, where the opposition seems unable to move into
action, one way or the other.

In terms of understanding these latest developments, it is important
to grasp just what a terrible state Armenia is in, and how firmly
rooted the "mafioso" oligarchy that leads it has become. Just one
example in all this can be seen in the considerable assets of former
President Kocharyan, whose worried attempts to intervene in the
unfolding war were notable. Kocharyan single-handedly holds some 80
percent of cellphone imports into Armenia in his hands; he is also the
sole owner of many banks, mines and holiday facilities throughout the
country. But it doesn't end there; Kocharyan also owns a shopping
center and gambling casinos in Moscow. He is also an "honorary"
partner and board member of countless Armenian companies.

As for Tsarukyan, he worked in Russia during the 1980s as a gendarme,
later going to prison based on what some (widely spread) rumors assert
were rape charges. Tsarukyan's rapid accumulation of power and assets
came during the era of Kocharyan's presidency; although he did not
have much in connection with the political sphere, Tsarukyan managed
to acquire factories (cement and alcohol manufacturing), petrol
stations, furniture production facilities and mining companies during
this time. Known now for his luxurious personal abodes, Tsarukyan is
also said to love keeping both lions and predatory birds on the
grounds of his homes.

In order to get a complete picture, though, it is of course also
helpful to take a look at the assets of Sarksyan and his supporters as
well. Sarksyan was a military commander during the era of the Karabakh
war, and was until recently listed as the eighth-richest person in all
of Armenia. Interestingly, Sarksyan is also an avowed gambler, even
facing accusations on this front at the 2013 Parliamentary Assembly of
the Council of Europe (PACE). At the time, Zaruhi Postanjyan, of the
opposition Heritage Party, asked Sarksyan directly whether or not it
was true that he had lost 70 million euros at a European casino. The
line of questioning caused reverberations in the global press at the
time due to the striking nature of the topic. Sarksyan has an enormous
financial empire of his own; this includes many personal homes,
buildings, a holiday resort, a petrol station, cement and alcohol
factories, market chains, a football team and his own bank. He manages
many of these through a variety of different partnerships he has
formed over the years.

In the meantime, Sarksyan's brother Sashik, who had some serious
clashes with Tsarukyan in previous years, moved to the US, along with
his own considerable fortune; the $30 million he brought with him
remain shrouded in mystery as to their origin.

At the same time, it is also important to remember that the less
prominent figures in Armenian politics sometimes have personal wealth
and assets that far overshadow those that dominate the news with their
warring. For example, the personal financial empire of Prime Minister
Abrahamyan, who has proffered his full support for Sarksyan in this
latest round of clashes with Tsarukyan, far outweighs those of the
oligarchs we have listed thus far. Abrahamyan owns petrol stations,
holiday resorts, mines, countless fields, cement and alcohol
factories, hotels and apartments; he also has family ties through
marriage with Tsarukyan. One of Tsarukyan's daughters is married to
Abrahamyan's son. These days, Abrahamyan has become one of the most
hotly debated figures in the Armenian media, as he has chosen to take
sides with Sarksyan despite familial relations with Tsarukyan.

For years now, various groups have managed to plunder and take control
of Armenia's natural resources, using the protection of their
political ties that give them unhindered access and no risk of
prosecution. It is a giant oligarchic structure, and one whose
enormous accumulation of wealth sometimes triggers arguments over how
to divide assets. The structure is filled with names willing to remain
quiet over internal disputes in order not to trigger public political
fights. At this point, though, it appears that one faction of this
structure is preparing to peel off, and the coming division will
herald the emergence of a new group.

The recent move made by Sarksyan in regard to Turkey -- a move that
comes at a time of extraordinary tension at home -- has clearly been
made with calculations that have far-reaching implications. The
attempts to strike down Tsarukyan and other chains in the oligarchic
structure can all be interpreted as a reflection of rising
authoritarianism on Sarksyan's part, and as an attempt to block any
slide in the existing axis of power. As the scene in Armenia appears
more and more like that of a country under complete Russian guidance,
Sarksyan's unceasing desire to take single-handed control is now
bringing the country face-to-face with even greater problems. One of
which is that the various groups attached to and dependent on the
Kocharyan chain of wealth and oligarchy appear unwilling to remain
silent given all this.


todayszaman.com/op-ed_armenias-oligarchy-in-trouble_374489.html

[Vrej1915]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

Շաքարավազից տարեկան որքա՞ն եկամուտ է ստանում Սամվել Ալեքսանյանի հետ «ոչ մի կապ չունեցող» «Ալեքս Գրիգ»-ը. «ՀԺ»
2015-04



«Հայկական ժամանակ» թերթը գրում է. «Աշխարհում սննդամթերքը էժանանում է բավականին զգալի տեմպերով: Մասնավորապես՝ շաքարի և բուսական յուղի միջազգային գները երեկ թարմացրել են իրենց 5-ամյա ռեկորդները: Դրանց գները 2009 թվականից այս կողմ երբեք այդքան ցածր չեն եղել:

Գների այսպիսի նվազումը, սակայն, չի արտացոլվում սննդամթերքի հայաստանյան գների վրա նույնիսկ այն դեպքում, երբ սննդամթերքի մեծ մասը ներկվող է Պաշտոնական վիճակագրության համաձայն, մասնավորապես՝ շաքարը Հայաստանում մեկ տարվա ընթացքում թանկացել է 10 տոկոսով, իսկ միջազգային շուկայում այն էժանացել է 23 տոկոսով (մեկ տոննայի գինը Լոնդոնի բորսայում մեկ տարվա ընթացքում 480 դոլարից հասել է 367 դոլարի): Հաշվի առնելով այս ընթացքում դրամի արժեզրկումը շաքարը ՀՀ-ում դրամով արտահայտված պետք է էժանանար մոտ 9 տոկոսով: Այսինքն մեկ կիլոգրամի գինը պետք է լիներ ոչ թե 370 դրամ, ինչպես հիմա է, այլ մոտ 325 դրամ, և այս դեպքում շաքար ներկրողի («արտադրողի») եկամուտները նույնիսկ մեկ դրամով չէին նվազի: Իսկ դա նշանակում է, որ ներկայումս շաքար ներկրողը Սամվել Ալեքսանյանի հետ «ոչ մի կապ չունեցող» «Ալեքս Գրիգ» ընկերությունը, յուրաքանչյուր կգ շաքարավազի մեջ ստանում է լրացուցիչ 45 դրամ եկամուտ: Տարեկան դա կազմում է 4.5 մլրդ դրամ կամ մոտ 9 միլիոն դոլար: Համաշխարհային շուկայում մեկ կիլոգրամ շաքարի մեծածախ գինը ընդամենը 173 դրամ է»,–գրում է թերթը։



Մանրամասները՝ թերթի այսօրվա համարում։

[Mher]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

Top Armenian Official Enjoys Banana Monopoly: Imported 12 Tons in 2014

15:00, March 26, 2015

Nikol Pashinyan focused on the price of bananas during today’s session of Armenia’s parliament.

The opposition MP said that while the yellow fruit costs 500 or 600 drams per kilo, at a stretch 700 drams, throughout Europe, in Armenia a kilo goes for more than 700.

Pashinyan wagged his finger at Mihran Poghosyan, who heads the country’s Compulsory Enforcement Service, for controlling the banana market with the backing of Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan.

“And against this backdrop, the man is a patriot. Do you believe it? He takes new employees to the Genocide Memorial and has them take an oath swearing ‘In the name of the homeland…’ If you’re a patriot let the people live in Armenia. Let them run their businesses. If you’re such a patriot don’t do things that force people to leave,” Pashinyan declared at the parliament session.

Now, let’s take a look at the amount of bananas Mihran Poghosyan, who enjoys a monopoly over the fruit, imports to Armenia.



According to figures provided by the National Statistical Service, 12,058 tons of bananas were imported to Armenia in 2014.

Amazingly, Armenia has also been an exporter of bananas in the past. Ridiculous you say. Check out the following Hetq article Armenia is Exporting Bananas.

Hetq had discovered that up until 2009 Ketrin LLC, a company founded by Mihran Poghosyan, was importing bananas, processing the fruit into banana oil, and then allegedly exporting it to the Bahamas.

Nothing of the kind ever happened. Ketrin forged the documents and sold the bananas in Armenia.

In the end, Ketrin got away with not paying the government taxes amounting to some 443.7 million drams ($1.479 million).

You can read about these financial shenanigans in the Hetq article “A Tale of Bananas in Banana Armenia”

http://hetq.am/eng/news/59273/top-armenian-official-enjoys-banana-monopoly-imported-12-tons-in-2014.html

[Mher]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

Deep Pockets: Central Bank Prez Pays $113K for Third Private Home
Grisha Balasanyan

14:33, April 11, 2015

Armenia’s Central Bank is another government institution that likes to keep a close lid on how much information about its internal dealings gets out to the public.

When it comes to the millions being spent within its walls, on things like salaries and administrative services, mum’s the word – a veritable state secret.

Thus, it comes as no surprise that top Central Bank officials have been stealthily issuing themselves substantial salary bonuses over the years.

Take the case of Central Bank President Arthur Javadyan. According to his 2014 financial disclosure he purchased a private house worth 54 million AMD (US$113,370). And it’s not Javadyan’s first piece of real estate. He declared two homes and an apartment earlier that same year when he was reappointed as the bank’s president.

And he’s got cash in the bank to play with. In 2014 Javadyan declared 110 million AMD, $470,000, and 160,000 Euros in the bank. His declared revenues stood at 27,685 million, of which 24,560 million were wages. In addition, he received $35, 179 and 2,000 Euros as interest from loans.

Hetq readers might also remember that in 2013 Javadyan paid 24 million AMD for a commemorative coin of 20th Century Armenian Catholicoi. That’s around US$ 50,000 today.

Arthur Javadyan’s wife, Hasmik Manukayan, also has deep pockets. Last year, she declared 60 million AMD, $470,000 and 380,000 Euros. Revenues amounted to 15.362 million, of which 3.637 were wages and the rest interest and rents. She also declared $34,661 and 3,725 Euros in loan interest.

Observant readers will note the discrepancy in Manukyan’s 2013 closing and 2014 opening Euro amount. She closed 2013 with 390,000 and opened 2014 with 380,000.

Now that's some creative bookkeeping for you.

http://hetq.am/eng/news/59582/deep-pockets-central-bank-prez-pays-$113k-for-third-private-home.html

[londontsi]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

[Mher]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

Regional Clan Again Linked With Violence

Sisak Gabrielian
Հրապարակված է՝ 11.05.2015

A notorious son of an equally controversial Armenian regional governor has been implicated in fresh violence almost two years after shooting and killing a man outside his family’s home in the southeastern town of Goris.

Tigran Khachatrian was reportedly among several dozen men who beat up and seriously injured two other local residents outside Goris on May 2. Harut Zakarian lost vision in one eye while his elder brother Mushegh suffered a broken nose.

The brothers claim that the attackers were led by the 22-year-old Khachatrian, whose father Suren is the governor of Armenia’s Syunik province encompassing Goris.

Better known as “Liska,” Suren Khachatrian has long held sway in the area. For more than two decades independent media outlets have implicated him and his relatives in violent attacks on local business rivals and other government critics.

Khachatrian was sacked in June 2013 shortly Tigran and his bodyguards clashed with Avetik Budaghian, a 43-year-old local businessman, and his brother Artak outside the Khachatrians’ Goris villa. Avetik was shot dead while Artak, who is an Armenian army colonel, seriously wounded in the incident. According to the Budaghian family, shortly before the shootout Suren Khachatrian assaulted Avetik Budaghian in his car in an attempt to force the latter to share his business revenues with the governor’s clan.


Tigran and one of the bodyguards were arrested in the following days only to be cleared of murder charges and set free two months later. Law-enforcement authorities said the fatal gunshots fired by them constituted legitimate self-defense. The Armenian government reappointed Khachatrian as Syunik governor in September 2014.

Armenia’s Investigative Committee essentially confirmed Tigran Khachatrian’s involvement in the May 2 assault in its first statement on the incident that announced the launch of a criminal inquiry. The law-enforcement agency has since divulged no details of the probe conducted by it, raising fears of a cover-up.

In an apparent response to a barrage of critical media reports, the Office of the Prosecutor-General said on Monday that it instructed the Investigative Committee to detain and interrogate “a number of individuals” who witnessed or participated in the violence. A statement by the office did not specify whether Tigran Khachartian is among them. It said only that the investigators’ efforts to identify the culprits have been “inefficient” so far.

Aghvan Hovsepian, the head of the Investigative Committee, refused to answer any questions on the high-profile case when he was approached by reporters on Saturday. His spokeswoman, Sona Truzian, remained just as tight-lipped. “All necessary investigative actions are being taken,” she told RFE/RL’s Armenian service (Azatutyun.am) on Monday.

Asked whether the investigators have at least tried to question the governor’s son, Truzian said, “I won’t give you any further details in the interests of the investigation.”

The Syunik governor has not been available for comment over the past week. One of his aides, Volodya Hovannisian, categorically denied Tigran’s involvement last week.

Suren Khachatrian’s wife Loreta, a key witness of the 2013 deadly shootings outside the family house, angrily refused to comment when contacted by RFE/RL’s Armenian service on Monday. “Leave me alone and don’t call me with such questions anymore,” she said.

Meanwhile, the father of the injured brothers, Gurgen Zakarian, insisted that his sons were assaulted by about 50 men led by Tigran Khachatrian. He said they both have formally testified against the governor’s son.

“It’s a criminal gang that has been terrorizing people in Goris and Syunik as a whole,” charged Zakarian.

“That same Tigran had a fight with my son a few months ago,” he said. “I won’t forgive him. I had repeatedly warned him to stay away from my family.”

Two other Goris brothers were beaten up in a similar fashion after a dozen men broke into their house a year ago. They were reportedly led by Suren Khachatrian’s nephew Eyner. The latter avoided prosecution.

Official results of Armenian elections held over the past decade have shown President Sarkisian and his Republican Party (HHK) winning more votes in Syunik than in any other part of the country. Government critics in Yerevan say this is why Khachatrian and his extended family have gotten away with so much violence.

Khachatrian, who was first appointed as Syunik governor in 2004 by then President Robert Kocharian, faced in 2008 an embarrassing government inquiry into a newspaper report that accused him of beating up a teenage boy. He was eventually cleared of any wrongdoing.

Khachatrian, managed to retain his position even after assaulting in a Yerevan hotel lobby in 2011 a businesswoman who accused him of fraud. Although the incident was captured by a surveillance camera, law-enforcement bodies refused to bring criminal charges against the governor on the grounds that the woman did not suffer serious physical injuries.

http://www.azatutyun.am/content/article/27010445.html

[londontsi]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

It appears all three presidents have used him .

[Haykakan]

Re: Who owns what in Armenia

It appears all three presidents have used him .

I like how the guy at the end points out that this is a systemic issue. The truth is most countries suffer from similar systemic issues. Be it the appointment of governors in Armenia by the ruling party or the appointment of politicians in America by special interest groups...the results are very much the same. Corruption is inherent in governments with varying degrees of scale and scope but its effect is invariably the same. Corruption is the loss of sovereignty of a nation and will invariably lead to its demise. Since this is a systemic problem, only a systemic solution can fix it.