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Wikileaks

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  • #21
    Re: Wikileaks

    C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 YEREVAN 001645

    SIPDIS

    SIPDIS

    DEPT FOR EUR/CARC

    E.O. 12958: DECL: 11/27/2016
    TAGS: PGOV PREL GG AM
    SUBJECT: JAVAKHETI: AN ARMENIAN PERSPECTIVE

    REF: TBILISI 3046

    Classified By: CDA A. F. Godfrey for reasons 1.4 (b, d).

    -------
    SUMMARY
    -------

    ¶1. (C) Georgia,s predominantly Armenian Samstkhe-Javakheti
    (S-J) region periodically makes news in Armenia, colored by
    the local perception here that Georgians treat their Armenian
    minority shabbily. Armenian government officials have not
    generally complained on this theme, but others, including the
    governing-coalition Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF)
    "Dashnaktsutyun" party, bemoan what they view as Georgian
    neglect of the impoverished and isolated community. Working
    together, Yerevan and Tbilisi poloffs recently interviewed
    the ARF, an Armenian-based Javakheti advocacy group, and
    local analysts to assess the issue from a Yerevan
    perspective. END SUMMARY.

    ---------------------------------------------
    RUN-OF-THE-MILL POVERTY OR POLITICAL NEGLECT?
    ---------------------------------------------

    ¶2. (C) Though our interlocutors assigned varying degrees of
    blame to the Georgian government for the socio-economic
    problems that plague S-J, none let the GOG completely off the
    hook. Giro Manoyan, a member of the nationalist ARF's party
    secretariat (or "Buro") said that while the Armenian

    SIPDIS
    community,s situation has improved under President
    Saakashvili, conditions in S-J remain worse than that of
    other poor, but ethnically Georgian, regions. He stopped
    short of accusing the Georgians of politically motivated
    neglect, and noted that the GOG is beginning to pay attention
    to the roads out of S-J, thanks to Georgia's Millennium
    Challenge Account. Manoyan said he believed the road would
    jump-start the region's revitalization, and that he hoped the
    next such project would be a joint Armenian-Georgian venture.
    Up until now, the roads' poor condition prevented S-J
    residents from selling goods in Tbilisi, a situation that
    exacerbated regional poverty in an area without industry,
    guaranteed electricity or viable infrastructure.

    ¶3. (C) Shirak Torosian, the S-J-born chairman of the Javakh
    Union of Compatriots and a member of the Armenian
    pro-government Powerful Fatherland party, was less measured
    in his criticism of the GOG. "Nobody wants to help,"
    Torosian said. "It's political that infrastructure is not
    guaranteed for Javakheti." Torosian went further than
    Manoyan on the issue of autonomy, too. At first he said that
    he and his organization did not advocate autonomy for the
    region, but then noted that the oft-touted
    "self-determination" for S-J was really the same thing as
    autonomy. He said he avoided the word "autonomy" in public
    because it tended to raise Georgian and Western ire.

    ¶4. (C) Anna Mnatsakanian from the Armenian Relief Society, a
    Dashnaktsutyun-affiliated social welfare organization that
    works in S-J, said she did not think the region's problems
    were worse than those of similarly poor areas elsewhere in
    Georgia. She thought the Saakashvili administration did pay
    attention to the region, but noted that infrastructure
    problems were severe. She said that in the winter of 2005,
    three children died of the flu because there was no ambulance
    service in their S-J village. S-J.

    --------------------------------------------- -------
    SHOULD SAMSTKHE-JAVAKHETI RESIDENTS STAY IN GEORGIA?
    --------------------------------------------- -------

    ¶5. (C) Both Torosian and Manoyan were adamant that it is in
    Armenia,s interest for S-J residents to stay put, if only to
    prevent others from moving in. Both raised the specter of
    Turkish atrocities past, and fretted over the idea that
    Meshkhetian Turks or ethnic Azeris might expand into the
    region if ethnic Armenians migrated south, which would put
    unfriendly faces at one of Armenia,s two remaining friendly
    borders.

    ¶6. (C) Torosian said ethnically Armenian S-J residents are
    tied to Georgia only by virtue of employment. He said they
    consider themselves Armenian, and consider where they live to
    be somehow part of Armenia, but look to Tbilisi for
    opportunities to earn a living. That said, Torosian said
    their ties to Armenia are stronger and more compelling. For
    example, although the proposed Baku-Akhalkalaki-Kars railroad
    will help S-J economically, Torosian said the ethnic
    Armenians there did not support the project because it
    bypassed Armenia. (COMMENT: It,s also possible that this is

    YEREVAN 00001645 002 OF 002


    just what Yerevantsi prefer to believe their kindred up north
    think. END COMMENT.) He said that although he would like
    the Armenians to stay in S-J, the Georgians were trying to
    force them out by refusing to help solve their problems.

    ¶7. (C) Manoyan said he encouraged reluctant S-J residents to
    learn Georgian so they could obtain an education and
    participate in politics. "I'm not sure they want to learn
    Georgian," Manoyan said, adding that the residents feared
    losing their Armenian identity because they knew the GOG
    tended to try to assimilate national minorities, rather than
    integrate them. He said the GOG should be understanding of
    the complexities of introducing Georgian as a state language
    in such an isolated and underdeveloped region.

    --------------------
    GOAM STAYS OUT OF IT
    --------------------

    ¶8. (C) Though NGOs and individual political parties are
    concerned with the region's problems, the Armenian government
    is staying out of it. Vartan Hakobian, head of the MFA's CIS
    desk, told us that the government views S-J as a strictly
    domestic Georgian concern, not a bilateral issue.

    ¶9. (C) Earlier in the summer, a working group of NGOs and
    others met to discuss Armenia-Georgia issues, focusing in
    large part on S-J. After the meetings, Hranush Kharatian,
    head of the GOAM's national minorities department, told
    reporters at a press conference, "The result of discussion of
    problems accumulated in Javahk at the state level would be
    higher than at the level of experts and NGOs, but we have
    problems and they need to be discussed."

    ----------------------
    BUT THE PRESS DOES NOT
    ----------------------

    ¶10. (U) Javakheti schools were a hot topic in the Armenian
    press this summer, and continue to make news into the fall.
    Newspapers have complained that ethnic Armenians have less
    chance of gaining admission to the Akhalkalaki branch of
    Tbilisi State University, because of their Georgian language
    deficiencies. Javakheti activist Torosian was featured in
    one article published in the Russian-language Regnum news
    service in June regarding the language battle. Torosian
    railed against the Georgian requirement that all classes,
    save Armenian language and Armenian history, be taught in
    Georgian. The author of the article succinctly described the
    Javakheti dilemma, writing, "Of course, he who does not want
    to sell potatoes in Javakh should learn Georgian to be able
    to integrate into Georgian society and to work in Georgian
    governmental structures."

    -------
    COMMENT
    -------

    ¶11. (C) Barring any sudden crisis, Samstkhe-Javakheti seems
    unlikely to become a major political issue for the GOAM any
    time soon because the problem is not pressing, and boxed-in
    Armenia knows it must maintain working relations with its
    northern neighbor (and closest outlet to the sea). Though
    Armenian NGOs and political parties are concerned about the
    welfare of their compatriots in Georgia, their level of
    involvement in the region does not get far beyond a lot of
    talk, and a little welfare assistance. However, the S-J
    situation is among other, more pressing factors -- such as
    Georgia,s friendly relations with Azerbaijan, and the
    fallout of its fracas with Russia -- that contribute to
    Armenians, general dissatisfaction with Georgia. It likely
    would not take all that much to arouse Armenian indignation
    on the subject should events turn sour.

    GODFREY

    Comment


    • #22
      Re: Wikileaks

      C O N F I D E N T I A L YEREVAN 001742

      SIPDIS

      SIPDIS

      DEPT FOR EUR/CARC

      E.O. 12958: DECL: 12/20/2016
      TAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM AJ AM
      SUBJECT: AZERBAIJANI SOLDIER CAPTURED BY ARMENIAN TROOPS


      Classified By: Poloff Masha Herbst for reasons 1.4 (b, d).

      ¶1. (U) The Armenian press reports that an Azerbaijani soldier
      was captured by ethnic Armenian forces in Nagorno Karabakh
      (N-K) on the line of contact December 7, after he reportedly
      crossed into Armenian-controlled territory east of N-K, in
      the Aghdam District. It is unclear whether 19-year-old Vusal
      Garajayev crossed the line of contact intentionally.
      Garajayev is now in the custody of the International
      Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Yerevan.

      ¶2. (C) ICRC delegate Jean-Sebastien Blanc told us the
      organization would facilitate a repatriation if Garajayev
      indicated a desire to return to Azerbaijan, but said it was
      not yet clear whether he wanted to go home. (NOTE: In
      early 2005, four Armenian soldiers who had spent several
      months in Azerbaijani captivity were prosecuted upon their
      repatriation on charges of willingly crossing into
      Azerbaijani territory. Several weeks later, three
      Azerbaijani soldiers who fell into Armenian hands were
      similarly prosecuted upon their repatriation. END NOTE.)
      Citing ICRC's strict confidentiality regulations, Blanc
      refused to comment on whether Garajayev had crossed the line
      of contact intentionally.

      ¶3. (U) Arkady Ghukasyan, the "president" of the "Nagorno
      Karabakh Republic," told the press Garajayev had crossed
      the front line intentionally in order to escape systematic
      hazing by his fellow soldiers. Ghukasyan said the soldier
      feared certain government retribution upon his return to
      Azerbaijan, and did not want to be repatriated.
      Azerbaijani press reports quoted a GOAJ defense ministry
      spokesman as dismissing the "Armenian propaganda," and
      saying the soldier had strayed over the line of contact
      accidentally and would be repatriated.
      GODFREY

      Comment


      • #23
        Re: Wikileaks

        All disclosed cables sent from the US embassy in Yerevan, are presented here, on 35 consecutive pages:


        Of course, Armenian related cables are also to be found on pages from embassies in Ankara, Baku, Tiflis, etc..

        Comment


        • #24
          Re: Wikileaks

          Azerbaijan Gunships Threatened Turkmenistan's Caspian Oil Rigs, Cables Show
          June 13, 2012 - 11:33pm, by Joshua Kucera The Bug Pit Azerbaijan Turkmenistan
          Gunboats from Azerbaijan's coast guard threatened international oil company ships working on behalf of Turkmenistan on at least two occasions in 2008, U.S. diplomatic cables from Wikileaks show. The incidents, which don't seem to have been previously reported, caused Turkmenistan's president, Gurbanguly Berdimukhammedov, to accuse his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev of "personally insulting" him and "running like a little boy."

          One incident was in April 2008, and involved a vessel from the Malaysian company Petronas in a part of the Caspian that both sides agree is Turkmenistan's:

          [U]pon closing in on the Petronas ships/rig, the Azeri gunboats instructed the Petronas captain to move away. He reportedly refused to move, stating that he was nowhere close to Azerbaijan's claimed border. The standoff reportedly lasted for more than a day. In the end, the Petronas captain agreed to move slightly to the east (although not as far as the Azeri border guards at first had demanded), which apparently satisfied the Azeris.

          The second was in May 2008 and involved a ship from Canadian company Buried Hill and was in a spot that was (and remains) in dispute between the two countries, around the Serdar/Kyapaz and Omar-Osman/Azeri-Chirag-Guneshli fields:

          In the second episode, the Azeri gunboats again intercepted a vessel that Buried Hill had hired to do some research in block III related to its plans to begin drilling in the first quarter of 2009. Buried Hill told him this time calls were made from Ashgabat to Baku, and that the Azeri vessels subsequently backed off. According to
          Buried Hill, there were also Iranian vessels in the area at the time of the interception.

          According to one of the cables, the scuttlebutt among oil companies was that BP, working on the Azeri side, was drilling diagonally into Turkmenistan's zone (to borrow a phrase from There Will Be Blood, drinking Turkmenistan's milkshake):

          [T]here are rumors and strong speculation circulating among foreign oil firms that BP, the company drilling in ACG, may have drilled a diagonal spur off its main bore hole toward the Serdar/Kyapaz field. This, he suggested, would explain why the Iranian vessels were in the area -- and why the Azeri coast guard appears to be so jumpy about any vessels that are not clearly in transit.

          In a later cable, Berdimukhammedov fumes to the U.S. charge d'affaires that Aliyev was engaged in "hooliganism". The cable quotes Berdimukhammedov at length:

          Even with the recent 'Azeri stupid mistakes,' we are committed to moving forward, but the Azeris haven't made it easy because their patrol boats attacked our vessel (in Serdar/Kyapaz) just days before my visit to Baku. We'd been there for three months, and they knew it! Why did they wait until my visit? That was a personal insult! I've been the one who's taken all the steps -- at your urging. I approached Aliyev in Saint Petersburg (at the CIS informal summit in 2007). I made the first phone call to him. I agreed to visit Baku before he visited Ashgabat -- on your advice! I stood up to Putin for our sovereign rights at the 2007 Caspian Summit in Tehran, but Aliyev ran like a little boy. And what did I get for all of this? A slap in the face!"

          And he said be brought up the issue with Aliyev, who claimed ignorance:

          Berdimuhamedov explained that when he had been in Baku, he had a polite but tough private one-on-one meeting with Aliyev, and had asked why Aliyev had sent patrol boats into Serdar/Kyapaz to challenge Turkmenistan's claim to the disputed block. Berdimuhamedov said Aliyev responded that we was out of the country at that time and had been unaware of the event. Berdimuhamedov said, "I didn't say anything then, but he IS the president, and he needs to know what is happening in his name in his own country, if he is really in charge."

          Ouch. Remarkably, though, U.S. diplomats didn't think that the incident would necessarily scuttle plans to build a pipeline across the Caspian from Turkmenistan to Azerbaijan, though they said personal pique could get in the way of strategic interest:

          We continue to wonder if Turkmenistan and Azerbaijan are further along on Caspian cooperation than either side is letting on as they attempt to keep it under the Russian radar. However, if Berdimuhamedov's wounded fulminations against Azerbaijan and President Aliyev were an act, he should be nominated for an Academy Award. What we probably need to recognize is that Berdimuhamedov, for all his pretences at statesmanship, is still seriously hobbled by the traditional Turkmen inferiority complex about Azerbaijan, which harks back to the early 20th century when the Soviets tried to use the more urbane Azeris to "civilize" the Turkmen nomadic tribes. It will not be easy, given the presidential bulls-pawing-the-turf in this region, but we need probably to try to explain to Azerbaijan the need for unaccustomed, high-road sensitivity in dealing with the brittle Turkmen. Our arguments should always be strategic, and never appear to favor one protagonist over another.

          From all the hints he dropped, we believe Berdimuhamedov has not given up on the concept of a Turkmen-Azeri natural-gas inter-connector pipeline. But, at the moment, he appears -- unless it's a huge act, and even if he exaggerated for effect -- to be bruised and frustrated. He needs realistic reassurance at the highest level. It's in our national interest for energy security to do so.

          And plans for such a trans-Caspian pipeline aren't dead yet, so Berdimukhammedov must have gotten over his hard feelings.

          Comment

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