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  • #41
    Trabzon- Very Telling

    Killing brings the dark side of Turkish town into the light
    NICHOLAS BIRCH
    Special to The Globe and Mail
    TRABZON, TURKEY -- Ask Mehmet Akcelep the first thing he thought when he heard that the Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink had been killed, and he answers without hesitation: "I bet that's the work of a local man."

    Like the other inhabitants of Trabzon, the biggest city on Turkey's eastern Black Sea coast, Mr. Akcelep, a local councillor, has grown used to seeing his home town in the news for the wrong reasons.

    It was here, last February, that a 16-year-old youth shot and killed an Italian priest in the local Catholic church.

    It was here, in May, 2005, that four students distributing leaflets about prison conditions narrowly escaped death at the hands of a 2,000-strong lynch mob, first of a growing national trend.

    Mr. Akcelep's fears were justified. Arrested Saturday on an overnight coach and accused of shooting Mr. Dink, 17-year-old high-school dropout and amateur soccer player Ogun Samast turned out to be from Pelitli, a suburb of Trabzon.

    "I said my prayers and then I shot [Mr. Dink]," Mr. Samast reportedly told interrogators. "I feel no remorse. He said Turkish blood was dirty blood."

    Four others were arrested, including fellow Trabzon resident Yasin Hayal, 26, who reportedly incited Mr. Samast to kill and gave him money and the gun. As he was led into court yesterday, Mr. Hayal yelled to reporters, "Orhan Pamuk should come to his senses" -- an apparent threat to the Nobel-winning Turkish novelist who has also raised the ire of Turkish nationalists.

    The comments are hardly surprising. Nationalism has always been a fundamental ingredient of Turkish society, and has been a growing force in Trabzon.

    "What you have here is a headless monster, a nursery for potential assassins," says Omer Faruk Altuntas, a lawyer and local head of a small left-wing party.

    What is it that has turned Trabzon, a city that 100 years ago had local newspapers in Turkish, Greek, Armenian and French, into a symbol of what one Turkish commentator has labelled "banal fascism"?

    Locals say the answer is partly economic. Villages around Trabzon used to be prosperous. Then the hazelnut market collapsed, and farmers fled to the city in the tens of thousands.

    The Pelitli district, where Mr. Samast is from, is made up of former villagers forced out of their homes by floods and landslides. Youth unemployment is high and most teenagers while away their time in one of two Internet cafés, or playing football.

    Deep-seated grievances have been stoked by the belief that Trabzon has suffered more than its fair share of casualties in Turkey's 25-year war against Kurdish separatists.

    The mob attack on the four students in May, 2005, took place in an atmosphere of national hysteria triggered by an attempt by two Kurdish teenagers to burn the Turkish flag. Turkey's top general called the flag-burners "so-called citizens."

    Local critics blame the authorities for the fact that reactions in Trabzon were more virulent than elsewhere in Turkey, but they reserve their harshest words for the local media.

    "Three or four times, they've pretty much invited people to take out their guns and start shooting," says retired teacher Nuri Topal. The lynch mob formed after local televisions stations ran news flashes claiming the students were separatists.

    In most Anatolian towns, few people watch local television or read local newspapers. In Trabzon, both are immensely popular and influential, and all because of the town's obsession with football. Trabzonspor, the only non-Istanbul club ever to win the Turkish soccer title, is a central part of the city's identity.

    Judging from the atmosphere in Pelitli, there is little chance Mr. Dink's death will change attitudes soon.

    "Who cares about that Jew?" says one young man standing outside a local tea house.

    "Cut it out!" barks Mehmet Samast, a distant relative of Mr. Dink's confessed killer.

    He goes on to say how much he regrets what has happened, how ashamed he feels. It sounds sincere, but concludes by insisting that Ogun Samast was a victim of an international plot.

    "Trabzon is vital strategically," he explains. "This murder was the work of the Americans, or the Armenian diaspora. They didn't like [Mr. Dink] either, you know."
    General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

    Comment


    • #42
      Nationalist response



      Why was Hrant Dink killed?
      by
      MÜMTAZ'ER TÜRKÖNE
      When an ordinary Turkish citizen lists possible reasons for the assassination of Hrant Dink, his Armenian ethnic origin comes last.

      The murder was shocking and was like a jolting earthquake, but it was not triggered by ethnic enmity. This is what everybody was aware of from the very beginning.
      A tripartite picture was formed in the minds of ordinary Turkish Muslims. These three details, which constituted a strong emotional bond between Dink and the whole society, formed an identity. The first detail was his last article titled "Anxiousness of a Pigeon,"which was misunderstood and thus misused but still shows Dink's confidence and love for the society he lived in. In his last article, Dink was saying he had been threatened for his statements, which were interpreted completely differently from what he actually meant, but at the same he was expressing his hope that Turkish society would not harm ?pigeons' like him, people who were helpless. His anxieties, and the sense of security he portrayed to comfort Turks, added a very tragic dimension to his murder. The society felt the grief of killing the pigeon and the warmth of Dink's heart at the same time. Secondly, Dink's body, lying face-down on the pavement, was covered with journal paper with his legs visible. The footage broadcast showed a hole in his shoes. A shoe-with-hole is a symbol of poverty in Turkish society. Hrant Dink was poor and his dead body lying on the pavement told of his poverty in the most natural form. The third detail was his life story that complemented his worn shoes. Dink was born in the eastern Anatolian city of Malatya and was sent to an orphanage while he was still young. He was raised in an orphanage and lacked the care of parents. These were three details that drew the portrait of Dink, who sat in the limelight of 70 million people in Turkey before being assassinated. This was a shocking portrait for the majority of people who sensed the world through their emotions. The murder itself was shameful. The murder incited a wave of compassion and sympathy against ethnic groups in Turkey. This wave materialized in the slogan "We are all Hrant Dink" and marked its seal during the funeral.
      I attended the funeral and saw people gather in front of the office of Agos newspaper to approach the funeral car. The spectrum of attendees included figures from almost all walks of the society: University students, retired people, housewives, workers, intellectuals and marginal figures. All attendees had a shared expression on their faces: to share the grief. They expressed their grief in the slogan "We are all Hrant Dink. We are all Armenian." The slogan was challenging: "If Hrant Dink was murdered because of his Armenian origin and if it aims to intimidate and daunt Armenians by killing Dink, the murderers will not achieve their goals. Because we will take Dink's place and oppose his murderers together with the Armenian society." This challenging move was inspired by Germany in 1930s. In those years, liberal and socialist Germans challenged oppression against Jews, which started during the Nazi administration, with the slogan "We are all Jews."
      Dark nature of the murder:
      The funeral in front of the Agos office commenced with Dink's wife, Sakel Dink, addressing participants from the top of a bus. In a trembling and excited voice, Mrs. Dink delivered a calming and anger-soothing speech in the wake of "her beloved." What she said about the murderer directed debates over the assassination. Mrs. Dink's striking statements placed the reasons behind this shocking murder in a completely different direction. She was questioning the conditions that created the murderer, not the murderer himself: "No matter what the age of the murderer is, 17 or 27, he was once a baby like every human being. You cannot reveal the reasons behind this murder unless you question the dark world that created a murderer from a baby." These statements were not welcomed by people who were seeking political interests over Dink murder. A marginal leftist party decorated the town of Beyo?lu, where Dink's funeral was held, with the pictures of Dink and the banners of the party. They were in a rush to designate "rising nationalism" as the reason behind the murder, instead of "a dark world." These political efforts, not the murder itself, were attempting to create a crack in society that would urge formation of cliques and polarization. Mrs. Dink's speech prevented such a crack and contributed to turning debates into a discussion that might impede more assassinations.
      The findings the police reached as well the statements of the murder suspect and the accomplices broadcasted in the media reveals the presence of an actual dark and morbid climate. A frantic hooligan in a football match and the perpetrators of the murder had a similar psyche. The perpetrators were unemployed youngsters from the Black Sea city of Trabzon, where the birth rate is quite high. They were spending most of their time in internet cafes and their only bond with the outer world was through the Internet. There was a wide gap between the poor world they were living in and the unreachable imaginary world. It was impossible to fill this work by exerting effort, but only through committing frantic acts that no one would ever dare to do. The most viable short-cut for these teenagers, who are incapable to grasp the notion of politics and to penetrate into the world of ideologies, was to adhere to a great cause debated in the society. Thus, they would become respected heroes and their courage would be praised. This is the dark world Mrs. Dink is trying to tell us.
      A narrow and barren nationalism is rising in Turkey. Turkish has two correspondences for the term "nationalism:" Nationalism and neo-nationalism: Nationalism refers to the right-wing nationalism and neo-nationalism to that of left wing. A kind of Third World Socialism, a leftover of the Cold War period, is endorsed by Turkish neo-nationalists who are closely linked with the state. Neo-nationalism is an anti-imperialist, anti-American and nationalist ideology. It was neo-nationalists who demanded the conviction of Hrant Dink for "insulting Turkishness" and urged a campaign against Nobel Prize laureate Orhan Pamuk by threatening him. Turkey's ?lumpen proletariat' youngsters, who diverted from the mainstream and based their policies on a morbid climate, were again these neo-nationalists. Although they hold similar feeling and inclinations, the nationalist cadres of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Grand Unity Party (BBP) oppose both neo-nationalists and the violent atmosphere they have created. MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli has always renounced and stopped violence over the Kurdish problem, a very sensitive and concerning issue for the MHP. He barred his followers from flowing into the streets, namely to commit violent incidents. The BBP, another nationalist party which separated from the MHP and harbored even more ardent youngsters, holds a significant stance over the recent developments. Newspapers have written that murderers and collaborators have formed within the youth movement of the party.
      I had an interview with BBP leader Muhsin Yaz?c?o?lu and it was published in the Jan. 27 edition of Zaman daily. I reminded him about the accusations against his party and asked for a response. He felt genuine grief at Dink's murder and was outraged over the accusations directed at him. He drew attention to the "dark world of the murder" saying the handling of the murder as a social problem, not a political one, was necessary to curtail violence. He, furthermore, drew attention to those who were inflaming violence and seeking political interests over the murder as well as extreme leftists who turned Dink's funeral into a political show.
      As more information is revealed the picture becomes clearer. Dink's murder is an ordinary political assassination, not a violent action. The assassin is a 17-year-old minor. This murder is the result of a deep-rooted social problem, and acted upon by a group of perpetrators. The people who attended the funeral had already proved the problem was not ethnically and politically motivated. What falls to every sensible person now is to question the dark world Mrs. Dink pointed at, and to improve the social conditions that resulted in the murder.
      27.01.2007
      General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

      Comment


      • #43
        "Dink's murder is an ordinary political assassination, not a violent action."

        er um...well I guess the "deportation" of Armenians in 1915 was just a political action and not violent in any way either eh? ...from the view of many Turks...

        I'm amazed that such a long editorial can in fact say so little. This idiot is trying to claim that the murder was due to poor economic conditions in Turkey....so was it a robbery? Was Dink - whom the author goes to great pains to point our was not rich himself - seen as some kind of representative of the rich? I really fail to understand his point - he cerainly hasn't really made one - just rambled on in a very contradictory manner - if you ask me...and of course Dink was murdered because he was Armenian...and of course the perpetrators were NOT representing some unimpowered underclass - but just the opposite - they were representing the Turkish state itself - a state that has repeatedly been shown to use such kind of thugs since its inception and prior - this is just another example of what we have often seen before.

        Comment


        • #44
          Originally posted by muratkanat6907 View Post
          For holocaust, I saw original video recordings.
          For the Armenian Genocide, you can see original video recordings, photographs, news articles, testimonials on paper...what is your point? Are you trying once again to say that the Armenian Genocide lacks evidence? There is no other way around this; you cannot deny the Armenian Genocide without lying through your teeth.

          Comment


          • #45
            Murat90210 - How can you believe in Muhammed when you've never seen a picure of him?

            Can we believe in nothing that occured before the advent of film?

            And what in particular do you feel is more compeling about pictures and films of Nazi concentration camps then the photographic record that exists concerning the Armenian Genocide (you are aware of such I assume).

            Comment


            • #46
              Who said that I believe?
              What I want to say that there has not been any doubt about what happened during WWII. And can we say that it's true for your 1915's events?
              And what I meant was, yours and Turkeys claims about the past events are very hard to be proved since media was not evolved as it is today.
              So, since this is a reality both sides can be falsefied by opponent.
              That's why I believe the issue should be made clear by professionals.
              And also, this doesn't mean that I try to undervalue your sufferings.


              Originally posted by 1.5 million View Post
              Murat90210 - How can you believe in Muhammed when you've never seen a picure of him?

              Can we believe in nothing that occured before the advent of film?

              And what in particular do you feel is more compeling about pictures and films of Nazi concentration camps then the photographic record that exists concerning the Armenian Genocide (you are aware of such I assume).

              Comment


              • #47
                Originally posted by muratkanat6907 View Post
                And what I meant was, yours and Turkeys claims about the past events are very hard to be proved since media was not evolved as it is today.
                I'm sorry, but you trust the media more than you trust the real stories of real people who've been through it?? Interesting. It's like you're saying "show me proof, show me proof" .. while refusing to believe in the truth that's right infront of your eyes.

                Also, there are PLENTY of reports about the genocide of the Armenians in the New York Times among other papers. Check out our archieves section for more "media" info.

                Comment


                • #48
                  No, I didn't say that I don't believe peoples stories, and personally I know some stories from people I know closely, but also other stories from other real people that I know. So, this is why I believe that terribles things happened to Armenians, but not in order to exterminate them.
                  Again for holocaust thing there is no "other side story" because everything was clear enough. But in this case there are no that clear proof of "genocide" and don't tell me that there are memoires, Turkish military documents etc.. as I said before both sides "proofs" are fake "proofs" for the other side. That's why this matter should be clarified by professionals not politicians.
                  I have Armenian friends whose parents has been through all of these sufferings and also Turkish friends whose parents also suffered at the same time, so at least I listened both side but what about you?
                  I'm not trying to equate Armenian and Turkish losts during that period...


                  Originally posted by Tongue View Post
                  I'm sorry, but you trust the media more than you trust the real stories of real people who've been through it?? Interesting. It's like you're saying "show me proof, show me proof" .. while refusing to believe in the truth that's right infront of your eyes.

                  Also, there are PLENTY of reports about the genocide of the Armenians in the New York Times among other papers. Check out our archieves section for more "media" info.

                  Comment


                  • #49
                    Originally posted by muratkanat6907 View Post
                    No, I didn't say that I don't believe peoples stories, and personally I know some stories from people I know closely, but also other stories from other real people that I know. So, this is why I believe that terribles things happened to Armenians, but not in order to exterminate them.
                    Again for holocaust thing there is no "other side story" because everything was clear enough. But in this case there are no that clear proof of "genocide" and don't tell me that there are memoires, Turkish military documents etc.. as I said before both sides "proofs" are fake "proofs" for the other side. That's why this matter should be clarified by professionals not politicians.
                    I have Armenian friends whose parents has been through all of these sufferings and also Turkish friends whose parents also suffered at the same time, so at least I listened both side but what about you?
                    I'm not trying to equate Armenian and Turkish losts during that period...
                    Do you know who invented the word "Genocide"?
                    Do you know what event that person based the word on?

                    Comment


                    • #50
                      Anyone who would make the claim that the actions of the genocide against the Armenians was not well witnessed and thouroughly documented at the time just has no idea what they are talking about. Likewise, the corraborated documentary evidence proving the genocidal intent of the CUP perpetrators is established beyond question. If you doubt this then you should read Tanar Akcam's most recent book - A Shameful Act - The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility. Here - it is available on Amazon...and even taking the time to read the review and reader coments might prove a bit enlightening -

                      Comment

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