Unrest In Javakheti

[Reincarnated Am]

Please let us do at least this

Dear Armenian members, if you care what’s happening in Samtskhe-Javakheti to our people, and if you think you can compose a well written petition please let’s help them at least by starting it, I would’ve started it but I don’t think my English is good enough to make a good point about our worries. And if you don’t want to start it for some reason but like to help start one, I will be grateful if you can prepare something and post it here so I can copy it and paste it to start one. I will post the address of that site, it is free of charge. Please guys let us do something about this. Who knows what can happen?

This is the site to start the petition:

http://www.petitiononline.com/create_petition.html

[Hovik]

Georgia: Separatism Will Not Pay

GEORGIA: SEPARATISM WILL NOT PAY
By Irina Dzhorbenadze The Moscow News

Moscow News (Russia)
December 14, 2005

Georgia makes yet another attempt to come to terms with the autonomous
regions.

The latest round of Georgian-Abkhaz talks on guarantees for the
non-resumption of hostilities in Abkhazia was held in Sukhumi. Abkhaz
Foreign Minister Sergei Shamba described the draft agreement as
"being close to consensus." Giorgy Khaindrava, co-chairman of the
Mixed Control Commission from Georgia, as well as the state conflict
resolution minister, says that for Tbilisi, the main priorities at
the negotiations are security, protection of the rights of Georgians
in the conflict area, and the return of refugees.

What is the outlook for a political settlement with Abkhazia and
South Ossetia?

There are two aspects here. The first is the position of the
international community. There have been some important changes in
it and we have made some advances. The second aspect is the Russian
position. It has toughened, becoming destructive like never before,
which of course affects both Abkhaz and Ossetian society. But it is
a double-edged weapon: On the one hand, it hits us but on the other,
it is bound to hit Russia. Just how hard it is going to hit it is
another matter.MN

Whatever the case, it will have serious repercussions in Abkhazia
and the Tskhinvali region. So the only viable way out is to reach a
consensus. It is essential to take into account the interests of all
sides concerned - Georgia, Russia, Sukhumi, and Tskhinvali. But in
any event, both autonomies will be part of the Georgian state.

Incidentally, Russia shares this position. It will never, under any
president, recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Moscow understands very well that recognition of the independence
of self-proclaimed republics is fraught with the disintegration
of Russia itself: The line of those wishing to leave the Russian
Federation will be even longer than in the case of Georgia. As for
Georgian autonomies acceding to Russia, this is sheer fantasy.

Incidentally, the Abkhaz themselves will never agree to this.

Still, Georgia is as far away from restoring its territorial integrity
as it was two years ago.

Everything depends on us. If we build a prosperous country with a
real democracy, a socially oriented economy, and civil society, and if
we are admitted to NATO and get a chance to join the European Union,
it will become clear to everyone that it is better to be in Georgia
than outside it. This will probably take about five years or so.

Presumably Georgia could be admitted to NATO earlier than to the EU.

Much earlier.

Would Georgia's admission to NATO not aggravate the problem of
Abkhazia's reintegration?

On the contrary - this problem could not be aggravated any further.

The next stage is confrontation.

How about this scenario: Should Georgia join NATO, Russian peacekeepers
would withdraw beyond the Inguri River and deploy along the entire
perimeter of the Abkhaz border. Surely, Moscow will not abandon its
positions in Abkhazia.

No, should we join NATO, the peacekeepers will withdraw beyond the
Psou River, back to their home country. But this has not happened
yet. Although the peacekeeping operations in both Abkhazia and the
Tskhinvali district have in effect failed.

Still, if we go back to the early 1990s, who started the war in
Abkhazia?

This is a moot point. I believe that it was provoked by the Soviet
Union, the old regime - both in Abkhazia and South Ossetia.

Problems with South Ossetia began when President Zviad Gamsakhurdia
abolished the South Ossetian Autonomous Region, whereas problems
with Abkhazia exacerbated when Shevardnadze brought troops into the
autonomous region. Do you identify both of them with the Soviet rule?

Of course, both were its creations. But this is the wrong way of
looking at it. The troops were redeployed on their own territory -
that is to say, in Georgia. After all, no one will be worried if
troops are moved, for example, from Moscow to the Smolensk region.

Formally, this is so. But it turned out differently in reality. Do
you link the outbreak of the conflict to the movement of troops?

I do not. What happened in Georgia, however, was not the Georgian
people's fault, but was provoked by Soviet intelligence and security
forces that needed a conflict in Abkhazia. So the answer to the
question of why the conflict began in Abkhazia should be searched for
in Moscow, Tbilisi and Sukhumi. Under Eduard Shevardnadze, Georgia did
not solve its own problems. To us, until the very last moment, he was
a representative of the Soviet, not Georgian political establishment.

So it seems that "agent" Shevardnadze slipped out of Moscow's control
and shifted to the West?

Why? Under Shevardnadze, there was no pro-Western policy. The West
turned toward the former Soviet republics and Shevardnadze took
advantage of that, just as did Aliyev, Karimov, Brazauskas, and
all other leaders of the post-Soviet states. The Soviet leaders did
not turn toward the West - it was the West that turned toward the
post-Soviet countries.

Still, unlike Georgia, for example, Armenia has failed to form a
viable partnership with the United States.

I can hardly agree with this. Can you name just one country that would
have received more aid from the United States than Armenia. It is
simply that unlike us Georgians, the Armenians do not shout about this
from the rooftops, acting more discreetly. That under Shevardnadze,
we had a special relationship with the United States is a myth,
propaganda. This relationship did not evolve until recently, based
on an anti-terrorist coalition, in the wake of the Rose Revolution.MN

COMMENTARY

Self-Proclaimed Republic Issues Internal Passports

The issuance of passports to residents in the Galsky district, on the
border with Georgia, was high on the agenda of the Sukhumi meeting of
the Mixed Control Commission on the Georgian-Abkhaz settlement. In
an interview with MN's Madina Shavlokhova, Abkhaz President Sergei
Bagapsh shared his vision of the problem.

Every Abkhaz resident living in the area between the Psou River
and the Ingur River, regardless of ethnic background, will be
granted citizenship and issued a national passport of the Republic
of Abkhazia. This privilege will only be denied to those who refuse
to regard themselves as citizens of Abkhazia and observe its laws -
those who commit terrorist acts against the Abkhaz people or who have
committed crimes against our republic in the past. This is what any
civilized state will do.

Why was the Sukhumi meeting necessary at all?

The earliest possible adoption of programs to rebuild the war ravaged
parts of the republic will greatly facilitate the return to normalcy.

This applies above all to rebuilding the water supply system, the
healthcare system, and public utilities. Some people may ask: Why is
the state not in a position to resolve all these problems on its own,
outside the framework of the Mixed Control Commission? My answer is
this: These problems were not created by Abkhazia - they were imposed
on it. The involvement of international structures in their resolution
also means that they will bear a certain share of responsibility for
the result.

Is the Abkhaz leadership ready for the worst-case scenario in its
relations with Georgia?

We are ready for any scenario. The international community, which
is urging us to reconcile with the Georgian side, should treat with
understanding the efforts by the Abkhaz leadership to strengthen the
republic's defense capability. That Georgia is actively militarizing
is an open secret. Furthermore, its militarization is assisted by
the same countries that are sponsoring the political settlement of
the conflict. This is simply ridiculous.

[Reincarnated Am]

Armenian MP about Samtskhe-Javakheti events: violation of national minorities’ rights

Armenian MP about Samtskhe-Javakheti events: violation of national minorities’ rights leads to revolt

Social and political situation in the Armenian-populated region of Georgia Samtskhe-Javakheti is extremely unstable. Use of brute force by the Georgian authorities lead to severe resistance of region's residents, as a REGNUM correspondent was told by Head of parliamentary faction of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation Dashnaktsutiun Levon Mkrtchyan.

Commenting on the incident of December 11 near the custom office at the border between Georgia and Armenia, Levon Mkrtchan noted that the Georgian side was accountable for it because it had not created any clear strategy of cooperation with national minorities. “Problem of Samtskhe-Javakheti plays a serious role in the Georgian-Armenian relations. Without questioning the Georgian national unity, it's clear that Javakheti must keep its national, Armenian identity. Georgia, which goes on the way of democracy, must understand it. Violation of national minorities rights leads to revolt,” stated Levon Mkrtchan.

On December 11, an incident occurred in the Armenian-populated Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia. The reason was a recent dismissal of all the ethnic Armenians from the customs office near the village of Zhdanovakan at the Armenian-Georgian border. They were replaced by Georgian custom officers from other regions of Georgia. Hundreds of local residents rallied near the custom and border stations at the border of Georgia and Armenia. . They appealed to the Samtskhe-Javakheti governor asking to come to the scene and investigate the situation. However, after the governor declined to come, a quarrel of the residents with the Georgian custom officials and frontier guards occurred. As a result, the Georgian officers had to live the check-points that were then partially destroyed. However, a group of the civilians then came to the Armenian check-point which was also damaged. Local residents explained their actions by the fact that along with the hard economic situation and unbearable conditions of life, the region is in reality half-blockaded and actions of the custom officials at the Georgian as well as at the Armenian border make the situation even worse.

http://www.regnum.ru/english/561417.html

[Reincarnated Am]

Akhaltsikhe Liberation Brigade Threatens Armenians of Georgia with Repetition of 1915

Akhaltsikhe Liberation Brigade Threatens Armenians of Georgia with Repetition of 1915

/PanARMENIAN.Net/ An anonymous source provided PanARMENIAN.Net with a video file with “the last warning” of the Akhaltsikhe Liberation Brigade. Four members of the Brigade against a background of Turkish flag have read an address to the Armenians and Russians residing in the town of Akhaltsikhe of the Armenian-populated Samtskhe Javakhetia region of Georgia. The address maintains the demand to Armenians and Russians to leave Akhaltsikhe immediately and go to Armenia, Russia or America otherwise the brigade members will eliminate the Armenian population of the region. “All who stand in our way will die. We will not allow mentioning of you here. The land of Akhaltsikhe will become ours soon. All who don’t hear us now will regret they were born. Leave your property for us and run. You and your ancestors should remember the year of 1915 (the Armenian Genocide). Russians will not help you. Their time is up on our land. We have warned you, this is our last warning. Go and live or stay and die,” the address says. After reading the address, the brigade members shouting out Allah Akbar burnt the flags of Armenia, Russia and the U.S.

To remind, on October 12 night leaflets signed by unknown at that time Akhaltsikhe Liberation Brigade were stuck to the walls of the buildings. The leaflets told the Armenian population “to immediately abandon the region and go to Armenia, Russia or America.” “Otherwise you will be subjected to Genocide like your ancestors in 1915,” the leaflets said.

http://www.panarmenian.net/news/eng/?nid=15840

[Reincarnated Am]

Are revolutions made by sectarians? Armenian press digest

Armenia-Georgia

168 Hours says that many negative things have happened after the “rose revolution” in Georgia. For example, the crime rate has jumped in Tbilisi after Georgia President Mikhail Saakashvili dissolved the state motor licensing and inspection department and reformed the police. “There are even reports of armed people stopping the very first bus they come across and robbing the passengers. Georgia-based Armenians report proliferation of thefts and robberies since the ‘madcap’ (the nickname they have given to Saakashvili) came into power.”

In a word, Tbilisi is now facing nearly the same situation as Yerevan did in early 90s, resumes the daily, noting that “if most Armenians in Armenia dream of making a revolution like in Georgia, most Armenians in Georgia dream of living in Armenia.” The Georgian Armenians are very much worried to hear increasingly frequent speculations on autonomy for the Javakheti Armenians: they fear that growing tensions in Javakheti can put them in even worse conditions. National intolerance and discrimination are looming large in Georgia, 168 Hours reports many Georgian Armenians as saying.

Radio Liberty reports Russia daily to have published an expansive article on Javakheti (a Georgian region with mostly Armenian population — REGNUM). “The Council of Armenian NGOs of Javakheti has launched a campaign to collect signatures in support of broad autonomy. The council has informed Georgian Parliament Speaker Nino Burjanadze of this and has asked her to call parliamentary hearings on the issue,” the daily says in its “Caucasian Siberia” article. It notes that Georgian ex President Zviad Gamsakhourdia tried to change the region's demography in his time by sending criminal groups to areas bordering on Armenia and giving them land plots there. “But instead of fleeing, the local Armenians got together and threw the criminals out,” says the daily. "The Javakheti Armenians are struggling against the withdrawal of Russian military bases from Georgia. But the chances are small, as Russia has already set the deadlines for taking off its troops, says the daily.

REGNUM reports a new incident in the mostly Armenian Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia Dec 11, following the recent replacement of the Armenian employees of the customs station in Zhdanovakan, Armenian-Georgian frontier, by Georgian counterparts from two Georgian regions and Tbilisi. With the facility being the only source of income for many local residents and with the measure taken by many as an intention of the central authorities to make the frontier regime even tougher, hundreds of people from nearby villages and the regional centers Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda crowded towards the Armenian-Georgian frontier points Dec 11 11:00 AM.

They asked the Samtskhe-Javakheti governor to come and discuss the situation with them. But when, some few hours later, the governor refused to come, the crowd got into squabble with the local Georgian customs and frontier officers, forcing them away and smashing up the check points. Then the mob headed for the Armenian customs point and did some smashing up there too.

They later explained that ridden by social-economic hardships and unbearable living and, in fact, in blockade, they are put in even harder conditions by Georgian and Armenian customs officers, who force them to shell out even for small cargos they carry across the border. Javakheti has a very austere climate and the living of its population depends greatly on the food imported mostly from Armenia.

By their action they want to draw the attention of both the Georgian and Armenian authorities to the social-economic crisis and constant discrimination they are suffering from. As example they give the clash with Georgian gendarmes in Akhalkalaki Oct 5, no positive reaction by the Georgia authorities to their appeal for giving them autonomy, etc. Local Armenian NGOs say that the current forced and spontaneous actions are a response to “the continuing discrimination by the Georgian authorities.” “We still hope for an adequate reaction by the Georgian and Armenian authorities, who must understand that the local population is forced to react some way to the unbearable social-economic situation in the region, so as to prevent further aggravation,” says one of the authors of the action.

REGNUM also reports that Karabakh war volunteers have addressed an open letter to Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili. Signing the letter on their behalf are Major General Arkady Ter-Tadevossyan, the commander of the army of Artsakh (the historical name of Karabakh) in 1992-1993, Arkady Karapetyan (first army commander) and Zhirayr Sefilyan (Shushi battalion commander). The news agency gives the full text of the letter: “We are concerned over the recent reports from Javakheti and other mostly Armenian regions of Georgia. They prove that the Georgian authorities carry out an expansive program to force the Armenian population out of their homeland. Faced with natural resistance, the authorities have already made several attempts to use force. Further anti-Armenian actions in Georgia will cause a serious damage to Armenian-Georgian relations, which, if given bilateral commitment, can be much friendlier. Urging the Georgian authorities to be sensible, we warn that force, as proved by the international practice, can give rise to undesirable processes.”

A-Info reports that cosmetic repairs have been held at the Akhalkalaki municipality on the initiative of US Embassy in Georgia and USAID. The news agency also reports the continuation of the work to improve the infrastructure of Akhalkalaki and Ninotsminda.

Attending the international conference marking the 2nd anniversary of the “rose revolution” in Georgia were representatives of some European countries, CIS and US. Strange as this may seem, Armenia has not taken part in the event, not even at an ambassadorial level, “which has been given quite negative response in Georgia,” says 168 Hours, wondering “how the Armenian authorities can account for this behavior.”

“Armenia” committee

Radio Liberty reports the Armenian opposition to have announced the formation of a public movement. Speaking before the united opposition, the leader of the National-Democratic Union Vazgen Manoukyan said that it is a “utopia” to expect any change from the parliamentary elections 2007 — for in Armenia “elections have long ceased to solve any issues.” Explaining why the authorities falsified the referendum — an event having nothing to do with either individuals or parties — Manoukyan said: “One cannot lose in mafia: once you have lost, you are lost.” The authorities do not care for democracy, they care for “gripping power for some time longer by doing whatever commanded by the West” and so the whole talk that the Karabakh problem will be solved in 2006 is just “speculations.”

Manoukyan is sure that the problem will be resolved no sooner than democracy is proclaimed in the country, and there is only one way to achieve democracy: by setting up a united body — a committee having cells all over the country. The leader of the New Times party Aram Karapetyan says that this requires, first, “a led organized force”: “The only proposal is 'Armenia' Committee for organizing its structures”; second, necessary financing. The leader of the Republic party Aram Sargsyan calls for staying together and believing in victory. To change government is not an easy job but “it is not a hard job either.”

As far as 168 Hours knows, leading the committee will be Aram Z. Sargsyan, Aram Karapetyan, Raffi and Hovhannes Hovhannissyans and Vazgen Manoukyan. Negotiated are the candidacies of Stepan Demirtchyan, Aram G. Sargsyan, Petros Makeyan and Garnik Margaryan.

Commenting on the “Armenia” Committee, set up to “velvetly” bring the country out of “this condition,” Zhamanak daily says that this looks like “deja vu” of 1998, when the “Karabakh” Committee got its way through perfectly organized struggle.

Azg daily reports the united opposition to have stated that “for the sake of the statehood and international prestige of Armenia and the security and welfare of the Armenian people the united opposition will raise a national political movement against tyranny and urges people to actively join in.” The opposition note that their actions are a response to the “unprecedented fraud” during the constitutional referendum and that "the authorities rigged the ballot with such unveiled and unprecedented cynicism that it has also displeased the West. This was a high treason, and the whole responsibility is on Robert Kocharyan and the ruling coalition. Signing under the statement were: NDU, People's Party, Heritage, Republic, New Times, Marxist Party, Forum of Intelligentsia and other parties.

After the constitutional referendum the opposition leaders have come up with the project to create the so-called Fourth Republic, trying to, thereby, prove that Nov 27 was the end of the Third Republic, says Hayots Ashkharh daily. “After their wrecked attempt to wreck the Nov 27 referendum, the opposition needs to constantly enlarge the list of 'those guilty'. Now, with the CE, government, people already on the list, it is the turn of the last 'scapegoat' — the Third Republic of Armenia,” says the daily.

Revolutionary moods are very far from Armenia today — for there are no signs of people being in anyway inspired by the “color” revolution, psychologist Karine Nalchajyan said in a discussion at the National Press Club Dec 7. She says that the referendum on constitutional reforms have made no big shifts in the public opinion. People are very realistic of the possible results.

“It's a pity they are no longer concerned for such injustice,” says Nalchajyan. Today the opposition is torn of reality and faced with crisis. The government has, on the contrary, proved a victor through more realism and better orientation. The government is now self-confident and gloating towards the opposition. Nalchajyan rules out any possibility of growing revolutionary moods in Armenia for today and expects changes from above. With the presidential election 2008 gradually drawing nigh, the government will start fermenting from inside. At some levels this process can already be seen, says Nalchajyan. (Noyan Tapan)

With no insult meant for the oppositionists with their promising formats and convincing slogands, but the last few weeks have shown that they have all but impact on the political processes in Armenia, says Fourth Power daily.

Are revolution made by sectarians?

Acting underground in Armenia today is the sectarian charismatic organization, whose office was a key actor in the “orange” revolution in Ukraine, reports A1+. The director of the Center for the Destructive Cult Victims Rehabilitation Alexander Amaryan says that the sect is a charismatic organization set up in Nigeria by some Anjey Sadelaj. In Ukraine the sect brought up to the square some 50,000 people, with the leader of its Ukrainian office appointed as President Viktor Yuschenko's adviser after the “orange” revolution. Later, one of the leaders of the sect came to Armenia. “Nobody even tried to find out why,” says Amaryan. As far as he knows, leading the Armenian office is some Aram Asatryan, who acts under the sign board of a music shop. Now Asatryan is deep underground, and nobody knows where exactly he is. Amaryan says that the sect may well be plotting a revolution in Armenia.

Many international experts say that only the Karabakh problem can send people out into the streets in Armenia. The expert of the Armenian Center for National and International Studies Stepan Safaryan says that countries like Armenia often transit from authoritarianism or totalitarianism to democracy through an upward revolution, when the opposition comes up into power due to large-scale popular mobilization. Georgia and Ukraine are classic examples of such a scenario. After a chain of revolutions in other countries, this scenario continues being a sword of Damocles for Armenia.

Taregir daily says that, ardently spoken on behalf of by both the government and the opposition, the Armenian people have little ardor to fight anything. “Let's say once and for all — you better not wait for an 'orange' revolution at this stage,” says Fourth Power daily.

Political scientist Alexander Iskandaryan also considers revolution impossible in Armenia. He says that nothing new happened in the country Nov 27, nothing new will happen in the future either. (Lragir)

Is the electoral campaign already underway?

Lragir daily reports the expert of the Armenian Center for National and International Studies Stepan Safaryan as believing that now that the referendum is over the politics in Armenia are beginning to show the influence of the parliamentary elections 2007. “With Robert Kocharyan having no chance for third presidential term, the coalition will start treating him as 'the past,' which may lead to deepening antagonism between them,” says Safaryan.

Referring to a source close to the presidential administration, Iravunk daily reports that prosecutor general Aghvan Hovsepyan and national security service director Gorik Hakopyan have been instructed to pull out from the archives the materials of the criminal cases related to the Dashnaktsutyun party. The source says that, if need be, they can “reanimate” the “Dro” and “Vahan Hovhannissyan + 30” cases (the group of Dro was charged with terrorism and attempted coup in late 1994 with some sentenced to death. Some of the accused, including the present parliamentary vice speaker Vahan Hovhannissyan, were set free after the “palace coup” of 1998 — REGNUM).

168 Hours believes that Nov 28 2005 Armenia entered into a period of electoral campaign. The question is about the parliamentary elections of 2007. Much more is “at stake” now than was in 2003 — for the parliament 2007 will have an incomparably bigger political role, and those getting into it will, in fact, decide who will be the president in 2008.

Better to say, 2007 will see not so much parliamentary as presidential elections. The start to the electoral campaign has been given by the parliamentary speaker and the leader of the Country of Law party (CL) Artur Baghdassaryan, who said that there were obvious falsifications during the Nov 27 referendum. The reaction was quick as lightning. The coalition partners, RPA and Dashnaktsoutyun, called this a treason, the opposition missed this “serve” saying that it would be better if the CL electoral commissioners adduced specific facts.

With all this, the CL's endeavor to pose as a kind of Government Lights has made — obviously and mostly — envious Dashnaktsoutyun, a party who has strived for the image for many years already. And so the daily makes a short conclusion that the coalition's break up has begun. RPA and Dashnaktsoutyun are yet taking time to shape positions if 2006 proves actually decisive for the Karabakh peace process (as threateningly augur some international structures). In any case, the CL is not a rival for them on this field (one can hardly imagine Artur Baghdassaryan scanning “No Concessions to the Age-Old Enemy!”) One way or another, Armenia is entering a new internal political stage, and these processes may well have no logic so ever. “Elections are coming forth and in Armenia elections (especially their results) have, as proved, nothing to do with the logic,” infers the daily.

To all appearances, the key runners in the parliamentary race 2007 will be the Republican Party of Armenia (together with Defense Minister Serzh Sargsyan), the Country of Law, Dashnaktsoutyun, oligarchs, Samvel Babayan (the ex commander of the defense army of Karabakh — REGNUM) and the opposition, forecasts the Fourth Power daily.

http://www.regnum.ru/english/561295.html

[Reincarnated Am]

No way out for the Javakhetian Armenians

Article published in 21/12/2005 Issue
By Albertine GIAN in Akhalkalaki

They request the intervention of the European Union and international human rights bodies as mediators in their conflict with the central Georgian government. In Javakhetia, where the majority of the population is Armenian, the identity crisis is at the heart of the problem.

Vahag Tchakhalian, aged 23, is the president of the ‘Armenian Youth Sports and Culture Union’. In March 2005, he founded the alliance of village and town representatives and various organisation leaders from the Samtskhe-Javakhetia region, in a movement called ‘United Javakhk’.
The main aims of this organisation are the preservation of the Armenian community through the safeguard of its secular culture, its unique language and the apostolic Church, as well as the defence of the rights of Javakhetian Armenians and the socio-economic development of the region.
Following the example of the Samtskhe-Javakhetia administrative organisation, “United Javakhk” seeks regional autonomy. It is the only judicial solution to be backed by most, and has the aim of defending the Armenian community against Georgian assimilatory nationalism and against the danger of increased Turkish presence in Javakhetia.
Javakhetia’s economic slump also needs to be urgently addressed in order to stop the emigration of its people to Russia. The stakes are high, on demographic, cultural, economic and social agendas. It is a battle on all fronts that the Javakhetia Armenians must wage alone. The future looks bleak. Here’s why.

What kind of difficulties do the Armenians in Javakhetia have to face?

In 1995, the Georgian authorities artificially divided areas with a majority of Armenian people into various administrative entities. Thus, the district of Tsalka, with a high population of Armenians, belongs to the Kvemo-Kartli province. On the other hand, the district of Borjomi, with a high population of Georgians and with no relation whatsoever with the Javakhk, was made part of Samtskhe-Javakhetia province, whose other districts are Adigeni, Akhalkalaki, Akhaltsikhe, Aspindza and Ninotsminda. As a consequence, the percentage of Armenian and Georgian population in the region is 60% and 40% respectively.

In public bodies, the percentage of Armenian personnel is infinitely lower and does not correspond to the higher percentage of the Armenian population. Thus, within the administration of the province, only two in every twenty employees are Armenian. Moreover, in comparison with other regions of Georgia, Javakhetia is in a very difficult socio-economic situation. In this part of the country, natural obstacles (e.g. difficult climate, low temperatures, mountainous terrain, etc.) do not play a role as major as other more subjective factors, such as the calculated “negligence” of Georgian authorities with regard to the problems in the region (e.g. the appalling state of the roads, customs barriers, etc.) and the smothering of a certain number of Armenian entrepreneurial initiatives.

Up until recently, when electricity generated in Armenia was not yet up and running, power cuts in the Javakhetia region were commonplace. The power line coming from Armenia that supplies the region’s electricity has still not been legalised by the Georgian government. Unemployment rates in that region reach 100%, pushing unemployed men to emigrate to Russia. This happened in the past with the dissolution of the USSR, when around 25% of the region’s population emigrated. The Georgian authorities have cut government help for the creation of new local jobs to a minimum.

Ever since the Soviet period and especially since independence, the many governments that succeeded each other in Georgia have pursued this political direction, with the slogan “Georgia belongs to Georgians”. In Samtskhe-Javakhetia, it is obvious that the government wishes to totally dislodge the Armenians in the region and to destroy their culture. To this end, they use all possible means, backed by the police forces. More violent and methodical approaches have been adopted ever since the ‘Rose Revolution’ and the accession to power of Mikhael Saakashvili.

Four recent events are evidence of this. In June 2005, the director of the only Armenian school in Akhaltsikhe, Liouba Matevossian, was fired. Robert Mouradian, who is not fluent in Armenian and who has a bad reputation, was named in her stead. Following the orders of Youri Pogossov, the current leader of home affairs in the Akhalkalaki district, the police of Akhaltsikhe resorted to violence when school children and their parents demonstrated against the authorities’ arbitrary decision in this matter.

Another event happened in June 2005. Members of the special intervention group of the Georgian Interior Ministry in the Tsalka district stopped the car of 26-year-old Vladimir Nazaretian. When he protested, the special forces opened fire. Vladimir was hit in the chest and in the leg.

On August 13th, a group of Georgian ecclesiasts and students, escorted by the police forces of the region, went to the Armenian village of Samsar. They announced that a political decision had been taken in the highest circles regarding the construction of a Georgian monastery near the village, which already boasts an 11th century Armenian church. On August 16th, after three days of unsuccessful negotiation, the villagers were forced to throw out the disruptors.

The last events happened when members of the Interior Ministry, acting on the orders of the Ministry, opened fire on the unarmed inhabitants of Akhalkalaki who were demonstrating against the unfounded closure of several shops in their town.

Are you satisfied with the representatives of the Javakhetia region in the Georgian parliament?

No. The representatives of the Javakhetia region are extremely passive with regard to the defence of the rights of the Armenian community. Following the lead of the Armenian authorities, they do not see any political problems within Javakhetia. During debates in the Georgian parliament regarding the more serious problems faced by the regions and national minorities, the position of the Armenian delegates is contrary to the interests of the Armenian community.

For example, when the parliament debated the question of the suppression of property tax, an essential part of the regional budget which is not put into the state’s coffers, not one of the Armenian delegates spoke out against that decision. Similarly, when the Georgian parliament forcefully ratified the convention for the protection of national minorities, without having adopted the 10th and 11th articles which state that national minorities may rightfully use their native tongue, not a single one of the five delegates spoke out against the exclusion of these essential articles.

What do you think of the construction of a railway line linking the towns of Kars, Akhalkalaki and Baku?

The people in Javakhetia disapprove of this project. In the first place, if it did happen, the number of Turks in the region would rise dramatically. With this in mind, I would like to state the following fact, which is not widely known. Between 1918 and 1920, during the Turkish invasion following the genocide of Armenians in western Armenia, the Turkish army massacred more than half of the Armenian population in Samtskhe-Javakhetia, i.e. nearly 40,000 people. The authorities in the independent republic of Georgia, not only failed to defend the Armenian community in the region, but actually helped to kill the Armenians by giving the order to shut the doors and preventing refugees from entering the safety zones in the centre of Georgia. This is why an increased presence in the region of Turks, the country which carried out the genocide and which still refuses to recognise it, would be unacceptable for the Armenians of Javakhetia.

Secondly, carrying out this project could increase the immigration of Meskhet Turks to Javakhetia. Turkey desires this, in spite of the fact that Meskhet Turks were expelled from the Aspindza district, where mainly Georgians live at present. Therefore, this project would directly threaten the safety of the Armenian people. Bearing in mind what I said previously, the Armenian community in Javakhetia would not allow the project to go ahead.

Did you take part in the forum held on 23 and 24 September in Akhalkalaki, following which a resolution demanding autonomy for Javakhetia was adopted by the majority of the organisations present?

Of course, but I was not able to sign the resolution. I took part, albeit passively, in the forum during which the essential interests of the Armenian community in Javakhetia were debated. Creating an autonomous Armenian region, encompassing the areas of Akhaltsikhe, Aspindza, Akhalkalaki, Ninotsminda and Tsalka, seems to be the only way of ensuring the physical, demographic and cultural security of the Armenian majority in the region.

Demanding the autonomy is not only supported by the Council of Organisations of Samtskhe-Javakhetia, as the Georgian authorities would have you believe, but also by the whole of the Armenian community in the region. Within a multi-national Georgia, constructing a stable state is only possible on the basis on a democratic federal model where all citizens, no matter their nationality, would have equal opportunities to preserve their national identity. But today, the Georgian political elite are on a path of imperialistic chauvinism with Russo-Byzantine tendencies, leaving national minorities with only the choice of emigration or assimilation.

What do you think of the offer made to both the secessionist republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and Adjaria of a statute of autonomy within Georgia?

If widespread autonomy can be given to 20,000 Ossetians under the pressure of force, why should the same not be true for the 150,000 Armenians living in Javakhetia alone? The Georgian authorities do not have the moral right to refuse the request of the Javakhetian Armenians. Mainly because following the collapse of the USSR, during the last 14 years, when other national minorities took up arms against the Georgian authorities, we were patient, in spite of the fact that we were the most powerful community, the best organised and with the greatest number of people. Even today, when we are faced with events such as those seen in the Armenian community of Nakhitchevan, we are patient. But no one knows how long our patience will last…

Apart from Javakhetia, are there are other major Armenian communities in Georgia?

Armenian populations can be found in Adjaria (before the collapse of the USSR, there were 25,000 Armenians, now there are just 15,000). There is a major community in Tbilisi, although their numbers have been halved since 1991. In addition, Armenians live in just about every district in Georgia and they are either partially or completely assimilated. For example, catholic Armenians used to live in the district of Adigueni, in the Oude village; now you will find ‘catholic Georgians’, a denomination which was unknown until the 20th century.

Following the retreat of Russian bases from Akhalkalaki, what role do you think the Russians will play in Javakhetia in the future?

I would like to extend this question and not only touch on the influence of Russia, but also that of other major powers. If, in Javakhetia, political issues can begin to be solved with the support of the European Union, if living conditions for the Armenian community in the region can be gradually improved, if Armenians in Javakhetia feel that they have the same rights and sense of dignity as Georgian citizens, then in these circumstances, not a single government could fail to exert constructive external pressure on the regional situation. But if all of these issues continue as they are today, then exterior pressure could become worse.

Which solutions can you foresee for Javakhetia to overcome the socio-political crisis that it is facing today?

When the Georgian and Armenian prime ministers met, Zourab Nogaideli, the Georgian PM, declared that he did not need any help and that socio-economic problems were being resolved. However, in the course of the last six months, not a single job has been created at a local level. In our opinion, the Georgian authorities are not the only ones who are in a position to solve the socio-economic problems in the region. In order to find solutions, it is necessary to encourage investment from the Javakhetian Armenians currently living in Russia and Armenia and also to attract resources from the Armenian diaspora.

Are the people in the region satisfied with the stance of the Armenian government on Javakhetia?

Armenian leaders believe that the tense atmosphere in Samtskhe-Javakhetia can be explained by the socio-economic problems in the region and cannot see any political issues.

I am convinced that the Armenian authorities have not been informed of the widespread abuse of rights in the Armenian minority in Georgia. However, in order to maintain stable relations with Georgia, they prefer not to challenge it and therefore state there are no political problems in Javakhetia. I believe that the Armenian authorities will be forced to change their position very soon by pressure from those living in Armenia, from the thousands of Javakhetians and from patriotic Armenian supporters and those in the diaspora. It would be more sensible and efficient to recognise the existence of the issues I have mentioned and to suggest that the Georgian authorities accept the mediation of international bodies skilled in defending human rights in order to solve the numerous problems in Javakhetia.

(1) Region with a high population of Muslims (Azeri).
(2) Current president of Georgia, elected in January 2004 following the resignation of Eduard Shevardnadze.

Interview published in France Arménie, edition dating from 1-15 December 2005.
The opinions expressed are solely those of the authors.

http://www.caucaz.com/home_eng/breve_contenu.php?id=220

[Reincarnated Am]

Paper: Armenian Vice-Speaker threatens...

As reported in Akhali Taoba, two days ago at a press conference held in Yerevan, Vice-Speaker of the Armenian parliament and a leader of the revolutionary federation Dashnaktsutsiun, Vaan Ovanesian stated that social and civil rights are not protected in Georgia's Javakheti region, an area heavily populated by ethnic Armenians. He also noted that no political forces interested in aggravating the conflict from outside or from Tbilisi. "It is dangerous for Armenia to react to the Georgian government's provocations, but react we will, as we cannot leave these issues unsolved," the paper quotes Ovanesian as saying.
According to Akhali Taoba, the Georgian government "is in no hurry to respond to the impudence of the Armenian parliament." Dashnaktsutsiun is considered to be one of the most aggressive organizations in Armenia, whose main goal is the restoration of so-called "Greater Armenia" - a supposed region that includes the entire right bank of the river Mtkvari, as well as large swaths of present-day Iran, Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Azerbaijan.
Simultaneously, some Javakheti Armenians have presented new complaints to the Georgian government concerning the opening of an orphanage in the Ninotsminda region. This time, United Javakhk - an organization that calls for Javakhetian autonomy - questions the wisdom behind opening an orphanage for ethnically Georgian children in a region populated mainly by Armenians.
The paper reports United Javakhk has announced that it will be difficult for Georgian children to become integrated with their new environment as they are unfamiliar with Armenian language and culture. The organization has also suggested that placing a Georgian children's orphanage in Ninotsminda could create a "ghetto" and increase tensions between the different ethnic groups. Akhali Taoba reports that since the Rose Revolution, several ethnically related incidents have taken place in Javakheti. Georgian authority is often not fully recognized in the Akhaltsikhe and Ninotsminda regions as many citizens there do not speak Georgian.
"The national government of Georgia, instead of paying maximum attention to regions populated by Armenians, is aggravating relations between Georgians and Armenians that may lead to the ethnic conflict by its irresponsible behavior and lying," the paper editorializes, adding that President Saakashvili has promised to do many things in these regions, although he has yet to fulfill none of these, a fact which has further alienated Georgia's Armenian population.
Although official Yerevan has thus far refrained from openly supporting Javakheti Armenians, "it is obvious that neighboring Armenia renders assistance to Javakheti region," the paper notes explaining that Saakashvili does not like to speak about this problem.

http://www.messenger.com.ge/issues/1015_december_23_2005/ps_1015.htm

[Gavur]

Democratic Alliance "united Javakhk" On The Activity Of Ahalkalak

PRESS RELEASE
DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE "UNITED JAVAKHK"
Address: Akhalkalak, 7, Charents str.
Contact: Edward Alverdyan,
E-mail: [email protected]

Akhalkalak, December 27, 2005

DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE "UNITED JAVAKHK" ON THE ACTIVITY OF AHALKALAK
BRANCH OF TBILISI STATE UNIVERSITY AFTER IVANE DZHAVAHISHVILI

The Democratic Alliance "United Javakhk", considering itself
responsible for protection of stability and overcoming of ethnic
tension imported from outside by some destructive political forces,
wants to call the attention of Georgian, Armenian and international
community on the activity of Ahalkalak branch of Tbilisi State
University after Ivane Javakhishvili.
In 2002, declaring a desire to develop the educational system on
periphery and solving the problem of preparation of Georgian speaking
local civil servants in Javakhk, the Georgian authorities, have opened
a branch of Tbilisi State University in Ahalkalak.
Unfortunately, the branch of the University, designed to become one
of the main elements of Javakhk's educational system and important
integrational factor, has turned into to the next mechanism of
changing the demographic situation in Javakhk to the detriment of
Armenian majority and center of tension in the region.
In the first academic year, the 60% of students were the local
Armenians and the remaining 40% were Georgians from Javakhk, Samtskhe
and other adjacent regions. In 2005, 80 persons have entered to the
university. Only four of them are natives from Javakhk, two Armenians
and two Georgians. The other 76 students are of Georgian nationality,
which have arrived from the other regions of Georgia.
The Georgian students from the other regions of Georgia get
scholarships in 100-150 lari (about $75) from "charitable" funds. This
sum is enormous by the local standards. They receive free
accommodation and daily food; the funds for heating of the leased
apartments are allocated. Good job positions are guaranteed to all
Georgians, who, after the graduation of the university, will express a
wish to stay to work in Javakhk. All Georgians, who will create family
and choose Javakhk as a permanent place of residence will receive free
dwelling.
The above mentioned facts, as well as the opening of the orphanage
for children of Georgian origin in Ninotsminda confirm the suggestion
that the Georgian authorities started the realization of the state
program aimed at changing of the demographic situation in Javakhk.
This program is in contradiction with international laws on protection
of the rights of national minorities.
Democratic alliance "United Javakhk" will attentively monitor the
situation and firmly stand on guard of the interests and civil rights
of the Armenian population of Javakhk. All attempts to wipe out and
displace the Armenian population of Javakhk, infringe upon the rights
and national dignity of Armenians of Javakhk, will be suppressed
within the framework of Georgian legislation, as well as according to
the norms of the international law.

[Gavur]

Georgian Synod Urges Armenian Clergy To Be More Reserved

Prime News Agency, Georgia
Dec 28 2005

Tbilisi, December 28 (Prime-News) - The Saint Synod of Georgian
Orthodox Church claims that the statements by the certain Armenians
about existence of huge number of Armenian churches in Georgia lack
both historic and scientific grounds

The similar statements tense the Georgian-Armenian relations. Thus
the Georgian Synod urges the Armenian Church in Georgia to reserve
from such actions. The Georgian Church will in its turn do its best
to prevent violation of the relations, goes the statement adopted by
the Saint Synod at the session on Wednesday.

The Armenian clergy claims that there are tens of churches of Armenian
origin in Georgia.

[Hovik]

Prime News Agency, Georgia
Dec 28 2005

Tbilisi, December 28 (Prime-News) - The Saint Synod of Georgian
Orthodox Church claims that the statements by the certain Armenians
about existence of huge number of Armenian churches in Georgia lack
both historic and scientific grounds

The similar statements tense the Georgian-Armenian relations. Thus
the Georgian Synod urges the Armenian Church in Georgia to reserve
from such actions. The Georgian Church will in its turn do its best
to prevent violation of the relations, goes the statement adopted by
the Saint Synod at the session on Wednesday.

The Armenian clergy claims that there are tens of churches of Armenian
origin in Georgia.

This is a little confusing. There ARE tens of churches of Armenian origin in Georgia as I understand it.

Confusion comes with the words "of Armenian origin". There are ancient Armenian churches built by Armenians, and currently possessed by Armenians - in Georgia, only an idiot would argue this. But perhaps they mean that Armenians say that there are Armenian churches that were once within Armenian borders that are now within Georgian borders. I don't know which they meant but it sounds like our neighbors to the north need to simmer down and be a little more diplomatic...