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Thea Halo's Report on the IAGS Conference

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  • Thea Halo's Report on the IAGS Conference

    Report on the IAGS Conference

    As some of you know, Genocide Scholar Adam Jones of Yale University decided to present a Resolution to the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), which would recognize the massacres and forced death marches between 1914-1923, of Assyrians and Pontian and Anatolian Greeks, as Genocide. I have been in contact with Professor Jones since we met at the 2005 IAGS Conference.

    In November 2006 Prof. Jones invited me to give a seminar at Yale University on my paper, “The Exclusivity of Suffering: When tribal concerns takes precedence over historical truth.” During our association, Prof. Jones became increasingly aware of the disparity between the way the genocide is presented as exclusively Armenian, and the actual enormity of the crime that was committed against all the Christians of Ottoman and Kemalist Turkey. Earlier this year, he decided to make a proposal to the IAGS to, in effect, revise their original resolution on the Armenians to include the Assyrians and Greeks. His proposed resolution is as follows:

    PROPOSED RESOLUTION - IAGS 2007

    WHEREAS the denial of genocide is widely recognized as the final stage of genocide, providing impunity for the perpetrators of genocide, justifying the destruction of the victim groups, and paving the way for future genocides;

    WHEREAS the Ottoman Empire's genocides against minority populations during and following the First World War is often remembered as a genocide only against Armenians, with little recognition of the qualitatively similar genocides against other Christian minorities of the Empire;

    WHEREAS historical documentation of intentional and systematic mass murder against Christian minority groups by the Ottoman Empire is extensive and conclusive;

    BE IT RESOLVED that it is the judgment of the International Association of Genocide Scholars that the Ottoman Empire's intentional destruction of its Christian minorities between 1914 and 1923 constituted genocides against Armenians, Assyrians, and Pontian and Anatolian Greeks.

    BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Association calls upon the current Government of Turkey to recognize the genocides by the Ottoman Empire against these populations, to apologize to the victim groups, to memorialize the victims, and to provide meaningful restitution to their descendents.

    The problem of how to be inclusive of Chaldeans, Syriacs, Arameans, Nestorians, etc. has been disturbing for all of us who feel all should be included. But so far no one has come up with a reasonable way to be inclusive, without bogging down resolutions and essays by running off a long list of peoples in each relevant sentence. In my papers, I make a point of listing all those peoples who are included under the general title of Assyrians.

    Peter Balakian, head of the IAGS Board, demanded we supply documentation and bibliography to support the resolution. I worked closely with Prof. Jones and compiled much of the primary source accounts from diplomats such as Ambassador Morgenthau, US Consuls and Relief Workers, foreign diplomats, and news agencies, and I compiled a bibliography, including books in Greek. In the latter instance, I was aided by a Greek scholar. Adam Jones read David Gaunt’s new book and used it as an important source for the Assyrians.

    During an early phase, an email discussion for the resolution ensued. Israel Charney, then president of IAGS acknowledged the merits of the resolution and made a fine plea to the Board for its passage. But resistance from various board members continued. I sent numerous rebuttals to the negative responses, as did Adam Jones.

    The resolution with supporting documentation and bibliography was supposed to be presented by email to the IAGS members to prepare for a vote at the conference. Although it was finally presented by email as directed, Adam and I were asked at the conference to allow the Board to shelve the resolution to allow people more time to look at the evidence with the promise that it would then be voted on at a later date. Adam and I agreed with reservations, to which the incoming president of IAGS, Greg Stanton, promised a vote no later than 2 months time. He also assured us that most Board members were in favor of the resolution and that they felt confident, but could not promise, it would be passed.

    It is interesting to note that, except for one misrepresentation of the facts, all of the objections by Board members were based on a discussion of whether or not IAGS should continue to make such resolutions, even though I believe all those who objected had voted for the two resolutions on the Armenian Genocide. To change its policy on this issue after a resolution has been presented using existing policies, would be inappropriate. It also fosters the impression that the IAGS is disproportionately invested in Armenian issues. As I noted in one of my rebuttals, it is tantamount to saying: My horse is safely in the barn, so let’s lock the door.

    It is clear that the lack of Greek and Assyrian participants at these conferences since the IAGS began 12 years ago, and the lack of a concerted effort to hold people responsible for the exclusion of Greeks and Assyrians from historical texts, resolutions and memorials, some of which are funded by tax-payer dollars, has contributed to the false impression that the genocide between 1914-1923 was suffered exclusively by Armenians. Even more disturbing, I found some young scholars, who gave papers in 2003 on the Armenian Genocide, had no idea that Greeks and Assyrians even existed in Asia Minor. Had I not been at the conference in 2003, and then in 2005 to rebut some of the misinformation and/or omissions, much of the academic community present at those venues would still be in the dark as to the extent of the genocides in the Ottoman Empire.

    Recently, a number of historians have told me they want to include sections that cover the Genocide of Greeks and Assyrians in books they are writing. I met one of these historians at the Sarajevo conference. I have been asked to write such a section.

    I am happy to report that during this conference, however, other than myself, three Greek historians attended, Dr. Nikolaos Ouzounoglou, Mr. Vassilios Kyratzopoulos, and Dr. Iakovos Z. Aktsoglou, and the latter two gave papers. I am also happy to report that there was an Assyrian representative, Sabri Atman. Although he did not give a paper, his presence was important nevertheless.

    I presented two papers on two separate panels. The first was a series of primary source documents that support a finding of genocide for the Greeks and Assyrians. I also included commentary and a news report about the importance of the trial against the Young Turks, as they were not only tried for their atrocities against the Armenian, Greek and Assyrian populations, they were also convicted and sentenced to death according to a New York Times report of 1919. Such a trial affirms the Genocide of these Christians of Ottoman Turkey, just as the Nuremberg Trials affirmed the Genocide of the Jews.

    My second paper was entitled Modes of Denial, in which I exposed some of the modes used by both Turkish officials and various Armenian/American historians and their supporters.

    At this stage, we will resend some of the most compelling primary source documentation to support the resolution, along with a bibliography of books written in both English and Greek, for the IAGS conference members to read before the vote. I am still concerned about the resistance by some Board members to the resolution. In my research I have come across too much appalling revisionist writing by those who should know better, one of which went so far as to deny the very existence of the Greeks and Assyrians in Asia Minor. For the last four years, I have set about exposing some of the worse offenders.

    This is a long struggle. Unless we are willing to let self-interested historians and advocates write our history in any way they wish, or exclude Greeks and Assyrians from this history, the Greek and Assyrian communities must become more active. As Israel Charney pointed out, in Armenia they recognize the genocide of the Greeks and Assyrians, but many Armenian/American and some European/Armenian historians still resist acknowledging these co-victims. Unfortunately, it is in the US and Europe that the Armenian communities and their advocates have had the most influence.

    Denial is the last stage of Genocide. But silence is even more deadly, because it insures that the genocide is complete.

  • #2
    Originally posted by notjustarmenian View Post
    Report on the IAGS Conference

    As some of you know, Genocide Scholar Adam Jones of Yale University decided to present a Resolution to the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), which would recognize the massacres and forced death marches between 1914-1923, of Assyrians and Pontian and Anatolian Greeks, as Genocide. I have been in contact with Professor Jones since we met at the 2005 IAGS Conference.

    In November 2006 Prof. Jones invited me to give a seminar at Yale University on my paper, “The Exclusivity of Suffering: When tribal concerns takes precedence over historical truth.” During our association, Prof. Jones became increasingly aware of the disparity between the way the genocide is presented as exclusively Armenian, and the actual enormity of the crime that was committed against all the Christians of Ottoman and Kemalist Turkey. Earlier this year, he decided to make a proposal to the IAGS to, in effect, revise their original resolution on the Armenians to include the Assyrians and Greeks. His proposed resolution is as follows:

    PROPOSED RESOLUTION - IAGS 2007

    WHEREAS the denial of genocide is widely recognized as the final stage of genocide, providing impunity for the perpetrators of genocide, justifying the destruction of the victim groups, and paving the way for future genocides;

    WHEREAS the Ottoman Empire's genocides against minority populations during and following the First World War is often remembered as a genocide only against Armenians, with little recognition of the qualitatively similar genocides against other Christian minorities of the Empire;

    WHEREAS historical documentation of intentional and systematic mass murder against Christian minority groups by the Ottoman Empire is extensive and conclusive;

    BE IT RESOLVED that it is the judgment of the International Association of Genocide Scholars that the Ottoman Empire's intentional destruction of its Christian minorities between 1914 and 1923 constituted genocides against Armenians, Assyrians, and Pontian and Anatolian Greeks.

    BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED that the Association calls upon the current Government of Turkey to recognize the genocides by the Ottoman Empire against these populations, to apologize to the victim groups, to memorialize the victims, and to provide meaningful restitution to their descendents.

    The problem of how to be inclusive of Chaldeans, Syriacs, Arameans, Nestorians, etc. has been disturbing for all of us who feel all should be included. But so far no one has come up with a reasonable way to be inclusive, without bogging down resolutions and essays by running off a long list of peoples in each relevant sentence. In my papers, I make a point of listing all those peoples who are included under the general title of Assyrians.

    Peter Balakian, head of the IAGS Board, demanded we supply documentation and bibliography to support the resolution. I worked closely with Prof. Jones and compiled much of the primary source accounts from diplomats such as Ambassador Morgenthau, US Consuls and Relief Workers, foreign diplomats, and news agencies, and I compiled a bibliography, including books in Greek. In the latter instance, I was aided by a Greek scholar. Adam Jones read David Gaunt’s new book and used it as an important source for the Assyrians.

    During an early phase, an email discussion for the resolution ensued. Israel Charney, then president of IAGS acknowledged the merits of the resolution and made a fine plea to the Board for its passage. But resistance from various board members continued. I sent numerous rebuttals to the negative responses, as did Adam Jones.

    The resolution with supporting documentation and bibliography was supposed to be presented by email to the IAGS members to prepare for a vote at the conference. Although it was finally presented by email as directed, Adam and I were asked at the conference to allow the Board to shelve the resolution to allow people more time to look at the evidence with the promise that it would then be voted on at a later date. Adam and I agreed with reservations, to which the incoming president of IAGS, Greg Stanton, promised a vote no later than 2 months time. He also assured us that most Board members were in favor of the resolution and that they felt confident, but could not promise, it would be passed.

    It is interesting to note that, except for one misrepresentation of the facts, all of the objections by Board members were based on a discussion of whether or not IAGS should continue to make such resolutions, even though I believe all those who objected had voted for the two resolutions on the Armenian Genocide. To change its policy on this issue after a resolution has been presented using existing policies, would be inappropriate. It also fosters the impression that the IAGS is disproportionately invested in Armenian issues. As I noted in one of my rebuttals, it is tantamount to saying: My horse is safely in the barn, so let’s lock the door.

    It is clear that the lack of Greek and Assyrian participants at these conferences since the IAGS began 12 years ago, and the lack of a concerted effort to hold people responsible for the exclusion of Greeks and Assyrians from historical texts, resolutions and memorials, some of which are funded by tax-payer dollars, has contributed to the false impression that the genocide between 1914-1923 was suffered exclusively by Armenians. Even more disturbing, I found some young scholars, who gave papers in 2003 on the Armenian Genocide, had no idea that Greeks and Assyrians even existed in Asia Minor. Had I not been at the conference in 2003, and then in 2005 to rebut some of the misinformation and/or omissions, much of the academic community present at those venues would still be in the dark as to the extent of the genocides in the Ottoman Empire.

    Recently, a number of historians have told me they want to include sections that cover the Genocide of Greeks and Assyrians in books they are writing. I met one of these historians at the Sarajevo conference. I have been asked to write such a section.

    I am happy to report that during this conference, however, other than myself, three Greek historians attended, Dr. Nikolaos Ouzounoglou, Mr. Vassilios Kyratzopoulos, and Dr. Iakovos Z. Aktsoglou, and the latter two gave papers. I am also happy to report that there was an Assyrian representative, Sabri Atman. Although he did not give a paper, his presence was important nevertheless.

    I presented two papers on two separate panels. The first was a series of primary source documents that support a finding of genocide for the Greeks and Assyrians. I also included commentary and a news report about the importance of the trial against the Young Turks, as they were not only tried for their atrocities against the Armenian, Greek and Assyrian populations, they were also convicted and sentenced to death according to a New York Times report of 1919. Such a trial affirms the Genocide of these Christians of Ottoman Turkey, just as the Nuremberg Trials affirmed the Genocide of the Jews.

    My second paper was entitled Modes of Denial, in which I exposed some of the modes used by both Turkish officials and various Armenian/American historians and their supporters.

    At this stage, we will resend some of the most compelling primary source documentation to support the resolution, along with a bibliography of books written in both English and Greek, for the IAGS conference members to read before the vote. I am still concerned about the resistance by some Board members to the resolution. In my research I have come across too much appalling revisionist writing by those who should know better, one of which went so far as to deny the very existence of the Greeks and Assyrians in Asia Minor. For the last four years, I have set about exposing some of the worse offenders.

    This is a long struggle. Unless we are willing to let self-interested historians and advocates write our history in any way they wish, or exclude Greeks and Assyrians from this history, the Greek and Assyrian communities must become more active. As Israel Charney pointed out, in Armenia they recognize the genocide of the Greeks and Assyrians, but many Armenian/American and some European/Armenian historians still resist acknowledging these co-victims. Unfortunately, it is in the US and Europe that the Armenian communities and their advocates have had the most influence.

    Denial is the last stage of Genocide. But silence is even more deadly, because it insures that the genocide is complete.
    Sad but true. Thea Halo is correct. It was an overall Christian Genocide which I have myself stated many times on this forum. Armenians would be wise to work in tandem with Assyrians and Greeks.
    General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

    Comment


    • #3
      My second paper was entitled Modes of Denial, in which I exposed some of the modes used by both Turkish officials and various Armenian/American historians and their supporters.

      At this stage, we will resend some of the most compelling primary source documentation to support the resolution, along with a bibliography of books written in both English and Greek, for the IAGS conference members to read before the vote. I am still concerned about the resistance by some Board members to the resolution. In my research I have come across too much appalling revisionist writing by those who should know better, one of which went so far as to deny the very existence of the Greeks and Assyrians in Asia Minor. For the last four years, I have set about exposing some of the worse offenders.

      This is a long struggle. Unless we are willing to let self-interested historians and advocates write our history in any way they wish, or exclude Greeks and Assyrians from this history, the Greek and Assyrian communities must become more active. As Israel Charney pointed out, in Armenia they recognize the genocide of the Greeks and Assyrians, but many Armenian/American and some European/Armenian historians still resist acknowledging these co-victims. Unfortunately, it is in the US and Europe that the Armenian communities and their advocates have had the most influence.

      Denial is the last stage of Genocide. But silence is even more deadly, because it insures that the genocide is complete.
      Yet another pile of trash.

      The author is just wanting to jump onto the genocide bandwaggon, eager to bury her snout deep into what she thinks is its ever-full money trough. Now is the time, she thinks, because Assyrians didn't have two cents to rub together before they all emigrated to Europe and America in the 90s, and until recently discrimination amongst "Greek" Greeks against the newcomers made interest in Pontic Greeks not very lucrative.
      Plenipotentiary meow!

      Comment


      • #4
        Originally posted by bell-the-cat View Post
        Yet another pile of trash.

        The author is just wanting to jump onto the genocide bandwaggon, eager to bury her snout deep into what she thinks is its ever-full money trough. Now is the time, she thinks, because Assyrians didn't have two cents to rub together before they all emigrated to Europe and America in the 90s, and until recently discrimination amongst "Greek" Greeks against the newcomers made interest in Pontic Greeks not very lucrative.
        I think her frustrations have merit. Assyrians were just about wiped out as were Pontic Greeks and the reason we don't hear much about them is that their diaspora communties are just as far flung as ours but smaller with even less influence.
        General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

        Comment


        • #5
          Originally posted by Joseph View Post
          I think her frustrations have merit. Assyrians were just about wiped out as were Pontic Greeks and the reason we don't hear much about the is that their diaspora communties are just as far flung as ours but smaller with even less influence.
          Her "frustrations" have no merit whatsoever.

          Just because the destruction of the Assyrians and Pontic Greek communities in Turkey has not given as much attention as the Armenian genocide doesn't mean there is some sort of plot by "Armenian/American historians and their supporters" to deny that destruction. She is just playing ethnic politics. Worse still, her opinion that only someone from her community is qualified and entitled to write about its history is clearly racist.
          Plenipotentiary meow!

          Comment


          • #6
            Can anyone help the Assyrian with some info,pls...
            I have got the following message:
            " Do you know more about how Assyrians can get involved? I mean do you have contact information? I would like to learn more about these conferences.I would greatly appreciate it. Thanks!"

            Comment


            • #7
              Assyrian International News Agency
              Assyrians Commemorate Martyrs Day Worldwide
              Posted GMT 8-8-2007 16:53:33
              Los Angeles (AINA) -- Assyrians (also known as Chaldeans and Syriacs) commemorated Martyrs Day on August 7th, the official Assyrian memorial holiday. The holiday was observed in cities worldwide, including Los Angeles, Chicago, Detroit, New York, Toronto, Stockholm, London, Amsterdam and North Iraq.

              The Assyrian Martyrs day remembers the victims of genocides and pogroms, including the Turkish Genocide of Assyrians, Greeks and Armenians in World War One, in which 750,000 Assyrians (75%) were killed.

              The date August 7th was chosen because in 1933 the newly formed Iraq, having gained its independence from the British just one year earlier, massacred the Assyrians of the village of Simmele and its surroundings in north Iraq, killing 3000 Assyrian men, women and children (account of massacre).
              General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

              Comment


              • #8
                Assyrian International News Agency
                The Simmele Massacre
                Posted GMT 8-5-2004 7:21:40
                Editor's note: the report below is presented in original form; some spelling may be non-standard. The number of victims has been subsequently determined by researchers to be 3000, since the massacre was not confined only to the village of Simmele.

                The Simmele Massacre

                As Reported by Colonel Stafford of the British Army

                Simmel is on the main road to Zakho, about eight miles from Dohuk, under the administration of which qodha it came. It was the largest village in the neighborhood and consisted of over one hundred Assyrians and ten Arab houses. The total population would have been about 700, most of the Assyrians belonging to the Baz tribe, with others of the Upper Tiyari and the Diz. The headman was a strong supporter of the Mar Shimun and with fifty others had followed Yacu into Syria. These fifty were almost entirely Tiyari, hardly any of the Baz being among them. The feeling of unrest in the village increased. On August 8th the Qaimaqam of Zakho appeared with a lorry full of soldiers. No satisfactory answer has yet been given to the question why he should have come with troops into a district that was outside his administration. He entered the village and told the Assyrians to surrender their rifles, as he feared that fighting might occur between the rebel Assyrians and the Government forces, in which case the people of Simmel would be less likely to be involved if they had no rifles. Plausibly, but with lies in his heart, he assured them that they would be safe under the protection of the Iraqi flag which flew over the police post for Simmel, being a large village, had a police post of one sergeant and four men. The Assyrians then handed in their arms, which were taken away by the troops.

                Next day more troops returned, this time without the Qaimaqam, and disarmed further Assyrians who in the meantime had come in from the surrounding villages. The following day, the 10th, passed comparatively quietly. Nothing happened except that Arabs and Kurds could be seen looting neighboring villages. They even came in and stripped the communal threshing floors on the outskirts of Simmel, where the cut barley and wheat was stacked in piles, for it was full time of harvest and the villagers were engaged in threshing and winnowing. The unarmed Assyrians could do nothing and the police did not intervene; they explained that they had no orders and that in any case their numbers were insufficient.

                It was becoming quite clear now to the Assyrians what was likely to happen. Not only had they seen this looting going on, but they suddenly found they were forbidden to draw water from the village spring, being permitted only to go to the main stream, which was dirty. They knew that the Army had already shot many Assyrians. They had seen their head priest, Sada, taken out of Simmel. All day they watched the looting Arabs and Kurds. Not one of them dared to move from the neighborhood of the police post, except one or two whose houses were near by, and who went to and fro on pathetic household tasks such as the making of bread, the last meal that many of them were destined to eat. They were now in a state of deadly fear, and they spend that night in and around the police post, which is built on a small hill. They now knew only too well the sentiments which the Arabs, and particularly the Arab Army, harboured towards them, and in the small hours of the 11th, when the moon had risen, the watching Assyrians began to observe their Arab neighbours of the village starting away driving their flocks before them. This opened their eyes beyond possibility of error. They realized the trap they had been led into and they knew that they were entirely helpless.

                The police sergeant ordered the Assyrians from the out lying villages to return to their homes. When they refused, saying that it was unsafe, he ordered them to leave the police post and go down to the houses in the villages below. They obeyed reluctantly. Some went to the house of Gavriel and his brother Tinan, who kept reassuring them that they would be safe and that the Government would protect them. As others were going down to the houses they suddenly saw lorries of troops and armoured cars arriving. Looking round to the police post they saw a policeman pulling down the Iraqi flag, which until then had been flying, as it had flown for years, as a symbol of the law and order under which every inhabitant of Iraq could live in safety and security. Suddenly and without the least warning the troops opened fire upon the defenseless Assyrians. Many fell, including some women had children, and the rest ran into the houses to take cover. Not a soul was to be seen in the streets. The troops well knew that there was not a rifle or revolver left in the village. An officer then drove up in a car and the troops came in. This officer has since been identified as Ismail Abawi Tohalla, who comes of a well know but by no means respectably Mosul family. He shouted to the soldiers not to kill the women and children. These were ordered to come out of the houses and go up to the police post. Many did so.

                A cold blooded and methodical massacre of all the men in the village then followed, a massacre which for the black treachery in which it was conceived and the callousness with which it was carried out, was as foul a crime as any in the blood stained annals of the Middle East. The Assyrians had no fight left in them, partly because of the state of mind to which the events of the past week had reduced them, largely because they were disarmed. Had they been armed it seems certain that Ismail Abawi Tohalla and his bravos would have hesitated to take them on in fair fight. Having disarmed them, they proceeded with the massacre according to plan. This took some time. Not that there was any hurry, for the troops had the whole day ahead of them. Their opponents were helpless and there was no chance of any interference from any quarter whatsoever. Machine gunners set up their guns outside the windows of the houses in which the Assyrians had taken refuge, and having trained them on the terror stricken wretches in the crowded rooms, fired among them until not a man was left standing in the shambles. In some other instance the blood lust of the troops took a slightly more active form, and men were dragged out and shot or bludgeoned to death and their bodies thrown on a pile of dead.

                Gavriel, who has been mentioned in an earlier chapter as the individual who raised cheers for the Army at the Mosul meeting of July 11th, went out to plead for the Assyrians. He explained who he was, and said that his nephew, Ezra Effendi, had long been an officer in the Iraqi police. He showed his nationality papers, but these were torn in pieces before his face and he was shot in cold blood. A priest named Ismail who had taken refuge in the police post was driven out by the police, a rope was tied round his neck and he was kicked down the steps and dragged away by the troops, who shot him, afterwards throwing his body on the steadily growing heap of corpses. Whilst this organized slaughter was going on, the police sergeant, who had from the beginning taken a leading part in the diabolical plot, ordered the Assyrian women to clean up the blood from the neighborhood of the police post. The women complied, but only for a time. Suddenly they rebelled against this inhuman order and told the police sergeant to turn the machine guns on them as they would rather die. The soldiers then took the men that remained down to a ditch and went on killing until every man was dead. It was then discovered that a few men had taken refuge among the women and that some of them had hastily got into women's clothes. These were rounded up and murdered.

                they went off to Aloka for their midday meal and afternoon siesta. As soon as the troops had gone, the tribes, who had been interested spectators, came in and completed the looting of the houses which the soldiers had commenced. The tribes had taken no part whatever in the massacre, but as the Army were equipped with modern machine guns and had no opposition, there was of course no need for any help. Later in the evening the troops came back, for the police sergeant had reported by telephone that a number of Assyrian men had appeared at the police post and taken refuge there. These were hunted out and killed. The shooting went on until about sunset. In the meantime the other houses in the village were crowded with weeping, terror stricken women and small children. Few of them had any meal that night or for the next few days, for what grain there was in the village had been removed by the Kurds, who had also gone round the houses removing cookery utensils, bedding, and in some cases even the roof beams.

                Next morning the women, already distracted beyond all reason, had a further shock when they saw the Army returning, for they did not know what this might portend. The Army, however, had merely come back to bury the dead. The bodies were collected and placed in a shallow ditch. It must be remembered that the month was August with a daily sun maximum of 160 degrees Fahrenheit! According to the military report 305 men, four women, and six children were buried. Many of the killed were little more than half grown boys. Some other twenty women and children were wounded. I myself saw later one child who had been shot in both wrists as he was being held in the arms of his father who was killed. That night and the subsequent night some of the women were raped by the police sergeant and the soldiers. Doing everything possible to minimize what had happened, the Arabs have stated that no such incidents occurred. This is a lie. All that can be said is that throughout these terrible days there were fewer outrages on women than would have been expected. It was also everywhere stated at the time that this massacre was the work of the tribes and the irregular police. This, too, is a lie. It was the work of the Iraqi Army, disciplined troops under the direct command of their officers, the troops re sponsible for practically all the killing being the motor machin gun detachments, while other troops who were passing the village throughout the day did nothing to stop what was going on.

                Bekir Sidqi himself, who was to be acclaimed by the Baghdad mob as a conquering here, and what was even worse was later decorated and promoted by the Iraqi Government, was not in Simmel but spent that day in Mosul, though there is no question but that he planned the whole affair. Indeed, it was subsequently admitted that the Army, had it not been prevented, had intended to carry out a similar massacre of Alqosh, and that he reports that Assyrian rebels had entered that village had been deliberately spread about to afford an excuse.

                The burial in the shallow ditch, which was carried out most inefficiently, caused the stench under the burning sun to become almost unendurable, and every fly and pestilential insect for miles around was drawn to the village. In this unspeakable atmosphere there lived for six day one thousand terrified women and children who had seen all their male relations killed before their eyes. All they had to eat was a few dried water melon seeds and they had scanty water. Even at night they had little sleep, for they did not know what might be coming next, and their dreadful experiences let them to put little trust in the protestations of the police that they were quite safe and that nothing more would happen. A little bread was send from Dohuk, but nothing on an adequate scale was done until Hikmet Beg Suleiman himself on the 15th arrived in the village and was overcome by what he saw. As soon as he returned doctors and sanitary men were sent to Simmel, and the bodies were decently and properly re interred. when I visited Simmel myself with Major Thomason on August 17th few traces could be seen of what had occurred, but the sight of the women and children is one which I shall never forget and I spent more than tree years in the trenches in France! That day the women and children were removed to Dohouk, and thence, as there was no proper accommodation, to Mosul, where they were placed under canvas in a camp, which will be described later. Every effort was made to hush up what had occurred and a censorship for a time imposed on out going letters. It was soon seen, however, that the killing could not be kept secret, for the Christians in the north had sent the news abroad, and in the nature of things an affair of this kind was bound to get out. In fact, the details were published in the Beyrouth newspaper before they were known in Mosul. So the Baghdad Government began to admit that there had been a slaughtering of the Assyrians, but they threw the blame on the tribes and the irregular police. Later this was found to be useless, and Yasin Pasha, the Iraqi delegate to Geneva, had to admit that the excesses had been committed by the regular Army. The Pasha went on to add that the excesses merited and had received severe condemnation. This was untrue. Actually the troops were given triumphal receptions when they returned to Mosul, Kirkuk, and Baghdad. In Mosul the Crown Price, who is now King of Iraq, at a great military review, decorated with his own hands the colours of the troops who had been engaged against the Assyrians. Bekir Sidqi, Hajji Ramadhan, and the other officers concerned were promoted. Bekir Sidqi on his arrival in Baghdad motored through the crowded streets amidst enthusiastic applause, sitting on the right hand of the Prime Minister. However much Iraqis may deplore what occurred and in private many express a genuine disgust no one of them has yet stated publicly in Iraq that the Army had behaved itself otherwise than well.

                But though the worst massacres of all took place at Simmel, this was not the only place where Assyrians were murdered. The killings at Dohuk have already been described, and many also were shot at and near Zakho. The first reports regarding the number of Assyrians killed were greatly exaggerated; two thousand was a figure often mentioned, and few people, even Iraqis, suggested less than one thousand. Actually, as the result of careful inquiries; I have come to the conclusion that not more than six hundred lost their lives. The great majority of these were peaceful cultivators, who had committed not the smallest offence against the Iraqi Government. Altogether upwards of five hundred and fifty Assyrians were killed by the Army, of whom not more than twenty could, by any stretch of the imagination, be said to have been killed in action. The Kurds, as a whole, behaved considerably better than might have been expected, especially in view of the undoubted encouragement they had received. Only at two places were they guilty of murder, though they did much looting. At a place named Savora the followers of Nisham Agha murdered twelve Assyrians in cold blood. At Qalla Badri, near Dohuk, some Assyrians women were killed and mutilated under atrocious circumstances. Other Assyrians in other places were killed by the Kurds in the course of their robbing and looting, but probably Kurds did not kill more than fifty altogether. On the other hand, several instances were reported of Kurds protecting Assyrian women and children. Mohammed Agha of Germawa, in particular, showed a fine spirit.
                General Antranik (1865-1927): “I am not a nationalist. I recognize only one nation, the nation of the oppressed.”

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