Free Palestine - The Struggle

[KanadaHye]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

As opposed to ARF/Dashnak hardliners who prefer maintaining their impossible cause rather than accept reality and start doing something useful, doing things that can lead somethere other than down a dead-end road?

The problem is not the negotiating position of the Palestinian Authority. The problem is Israel and the unconditional and unquestioning support from its poodle, America. The leaks prove that.

Although I don't agree with a lot of the things ARF/Dashnak do, I have to admit they are the ones with a greater sense of Armenian consciousness. Even in the diaspora, as an organization, they are keeping the culture and language alive.

The Palestinian Authority is also a poodle of sorts for Israel.

[bell-the-cat]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

Al Jazeera exposes its own type of leaks: The revelation shows that Palstinian authorities are compromizing beyond what Arabs and Pals would support to the point of being tradors to the cause and the people.

As opposed to ARF/Dashnak hardliners who prefer maintaining their impossible cause rather than accept reality and start doing something useful, doing things that can lead somethere other than down a dead-end road?

The problem is not the negotiating position of the Palestinian Authority. The problem is Israel and the unconditional and unquestioning support from its poodle, America. The leaks prove that.

[KanadaHye]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

It's too bad there isn't a greater Armenian presence in Israel like there is Lebanon. Some pics of the Armenian Quarter... I like the quarter circle passage way.

[Eddo211]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

Al Jazeera exposes its own type of leaks: The revelation shows that Palstinian authorities are compromizing beyond what Arabs and Pals would support to the point of being tradors to the cause and the people.

The Palestine Papers show that ten years later the leadership of PLO, now substantially weakened and fragmented, was prepared to deviate from the red line laid down by Arafat. At least one member of its executive committee, Saeb Erekat, has demonstrated this willingness to show �flexibility� on the Haram.

Whether he made the following overtures to win the admiration of his American counterparts, or merely to break the deadlock created by the extremist Netanyahu government, it is not clear; what is absolutely clear, though, is that the proposed tinkering with the legal status of the Haram al-Sharif is dangerous and unprecedented. Despite the obvious the risks entailed, Erekat nonetheless, made this "creative" suggestion on October 21st 2009 during a meeting in Washington. He told Obama adviser David Hale and State Department legal adviser Jonathan Schwartz:

“Even the Old City can be worked out except for the Haram and what they call Temple Mount. There you need the creativity of people like me…”

When Schwartz asked whether they were to discuss Jerusalem with the borders or separately, Erekat replied:

“It’s solved. You have the Clinton Parameters formula. For the Old City sovereignty for Palestine, except the xxxish quarter and part of the Armenian quarter…the Haram can be left to be discussed – there are creative ways, having a body or a committee, having undertakings for example not to dig.”

It is evident from this exchange that; whereas Arafat had rejected the Clinton parameters, the current Palestinian team (led by Erekat) is prepared to accept it.

http://english.aljazeera.net/palestinepapers/2011/01/2011123134738643818.html#

What gives them the right to speak for the Armenian quarter?!

[Haykakan]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

Palastinian organizations are quickly infultrated by israeli spies. There is a reason why the palastinian remain divided and that reason is not the palastinian people. There is only so much you can do when faced with a enemy who has unlimited resources while you have nothing.

[retro]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

The PA is widely recognised, however they might as well dissolve it. As the solution at this point is to resettle the Palestinians to other Arab nations. However naturally enough none of their Arab 'brothers' will want to take the Palestinians in.

Intrestingly it's the Indo-European Philistines, (Sea People) who settled to the south of the Canaanites, who gave their name to Palestine.

Palestine was once Phoenician land and the Hebrews where originally a nomadic, Syro-Arabian desert dwelling peoples. The Arabs naturally are originally from even further South in Arabia.

[Federate]

Re: Free Palestine - The Struggle

The PA's ultimate act of resistance


In interviews and statements, as well as in private meetings, Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, has said that he is presiding over an authority without any authority and that the very existence of the Palestinian Authority (PA) has made Israel's occupation "the cheapest ever".

Abbas is simply reaching the same conclusion that many Palestinians have long understood: negotiations, under the prevailing conditions, will not lead to the end of the Israeli occupation, let alone the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

In a recent interview with Palestinian state television, Abbas warned that if all efforts to establish a Palestinian state fail he will dissolve the PA and ask Israel to assume responsibility for the occupation. His threats are neither a manoeuvre nor a clearly planned strategy. They are rather an expression of despair and a reflection of the mood of the Palestinian people - who see the PA as merely facilitating the continuation of the Israeli occupation while removing the need for it to pay for its actions.

Disbanding the PA would mean a return to direct Israeli occupation and could be used by Israel as a pretext for escalating its aggression against the Palestinian people. But the Palestinians have reached breaking point. Seventeen years of talks have stopped neither Israeli land theft nor the displacement of Palestinians.

A battle of wills

The idea of dissolving the PA has many supporters - both inside the Palestinian territories and among the Palestinian diaspora. But this must not be a leap in the dark: the Palestinians must be prepared for the consequences of such a move and it must be undertaken as part of a clearly defined resistance strategy.

Neither Abbas nor his opponents, however, have indicated that they are developing any such strategy - for just as Abbas was expressing his despair, Hamas was indicating a greater degree of flexibility towards any possible outcome of, the currently stalled, Israeli-Palestinian negotiations. In a speech last week, Ismail Haniyeh, the Hamas prime minister, said his movement was prepared to accept the results of a referendum if negotiations reach an historic compromise that includes the establishment of a Palestinian state on the territories occupied during the 1967 war.

It is not the first time that Hamas has signalled its willingness to accept a two-state solution, but its timing - when the talks are effectively frozen and there is no prospect for progress should they resume - is surprising. Haniyeh's statement suggests that the two leaderships, in Ramallah and Gaza, have no idea how to recapture the initiative required to lead the Palestinian people out of the stagnant situation they are in.

Abbas has raised a couple of prospects. Firstly, he has suggested looking to the UN Security Council for recognition of a Palestinian state. This is mainly intended to affirm the 'occupied' status of the Palestinian territories and to thus block Israel from annexing xxxish settlements. Secondly, he has discussed handing responsibility for the Palestinian territories over to the UN. Both of these options would likely be obstructed by a US veto at the UN Security Council.

But any alternative option the Palestinians choose cannot succeed without first establishing national unity and mobilising popular resistance. A serious battle of wills will ensue, and the Palestinians must be prepared.

An international battle for recognition of a Palestinian state must be based on a clear vision and preparedness to confront Israeli actions. For international support alone will not lead to the creation of a Palestinian state. Regardless of whether Palestinians opt for a one- or two-state solution, they cannot avoid a battle to end the occupation under which they currently live.

Is the PA prepared?

The options Abbas speaks of would place the PA face-to-face with the Israeli occupation, so the question remains: is the PA ready for this? The answer would appear to be no.

The PA cannot be taken seriously as long as it accommodates Israeli terms and demands. Israel continues to prevent the movement of goods and people, to conduct raids and arrests in the West Bank and East Jerusalem and to strike at the Gaza Strip. Thus a prerequisite for any significant Palestinian move must be an immediate halt to security coordination between Israel and the PA.

Abbas' justification for such coordination is that if Palestinians "behave" Israel can make no case for postponing ending the occupation. But the only outcome thus far has been the weakening of Palestinian resistance, while Israel has had a free hand to launch military forays into the Palestinian territories, to confiscate more land and to kill more people.

The next step for Hamas and the PA must be genuine unification - without this, disbanding the PA could result in a highly destructive power struggle - based on a joint agreement over an alternative to the now defunct talks. Dissolving the PA should be a significant consideration within this plan, but only once a political and economic strategy has been formulated.

The PA currently pays the salaries of 150,000 people, so disbanding it would have a huge impact on the economy. Before the PA was created, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) contributed funds to help Palestinians stay steadfast in the face of the economic strains of occupation. A similar plan, involving all Palestinians, must now be devised - assuming that Arab states, as should be expected, will fail to offer the Palestinians financial support.

It is, of course, easy for those Palestinians in exile, with comfortable jobs, to call for an immediate dissolution of the PA - it is also very understandable as Israel will be under no pressure to end its occupation as long as it pays little or no cost for it. But, should the Palestinian leadership formulate a new resistance strategy, all Palestinians must be prepared to shoulder the responsibility for it. The onus is now on the PA to start this process and the only way to do that is to end all coordination and cooperation with Israel.

Lamis Andoni is an analyst and commentator on Middle Eastern and Palestinian affairs.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth/opinion/2010/12/201012761934693578.html

[KanadaHye]

Gaza's Hamas seeks to boost popularity with mass rally for group's 23rd anniversary

Tens of thousands of Hamas supporters flocked to Gaza City Tuesday for a mass rally to boost support for the militant Palestinian group on its 23rd anniversary.

Streets, cars and buildings were adorned with Hamas' trademark green, and huge crowds of flag-waving supporters clogged the streets to reach the rally where Hamas leaders lauded the group's history of fighting Israel.

"Hamas has not failed, Hamas has not collapsed," Prime Minster Ismail Haniyeh told the crowd. "Hamas did not fail to bring together government and resistance."

Hamas has often been torn between its roots as a militant group seeking to destroy Israel and a local government responsible for providing services to 1.5 million Gazans.

While sticking to its militant rhetoric, Hamas has largely observed an informal truce since a bruising Israeli offensive two years ago, forgoing attacks that could spur Israel to strike back or tighten its blockade. Any Israel response could make life harder for Gazans, some 30 per cent of whom lack jobs. Many more rely on food aid.

Hamas' message still resonates with many in this crowded and conservative Muslim society.

Gaza teacher Jamila Hatab, 48, brought two sons and five granddaughters to Tuesday's rally.

"I trust Hamas because they are the only people on earth who still say no to America and to Israel," she said.

But support for Hamas is difficult to gauge because Gazans fear repercussions if they speak freely. Hamas' control over the Palestinian coastal strip remains unchallenged, but some analysts detect growing impatience with Gaza's isolation and Hamas' moves to impose strict Islamic mores and stifle dissent.

Other, smaller militant groups criticize it for limiting attacks on Israel.

Hamas official Osama Muzini called the rally a referendum on Hamas' popularity.

"All people who came to the streets came to say yes to Hamas and to its model of government and resistance," he said.

The rally's turnout is closely watched every year, and Hamas worked hard to ensure an impressive crowd.

From the early morning, mosque loudspeakers blared calls to attend, and hundreds of buses and vans shuttled supporters from all over Gaza to a huge, sandy lot in Gaza City awash in green, Hamas' trademark colour for its association with Islam.

A 100-yard (meter) long stage recalled the walls of Jerusalem's Old City, and the rally's speakers stood in front of a 3D model of Jerusalem's gold-capped Dome of the Rock.

In a message distributed to media Tuesday morning, Hamas said it remains committed to destroying Israel, bringing back Palestinian refugees and seizing control of Jerusalem's holy sites.

"Anyone who gives up these rights is a traitor," it said — an apparent dig at Hamas' rival, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who favours a peace agreement with Israel.

Hamas seized control of Gaza from forces loyal to Abbas in 2007, leaving his Western-backed Palestinian Authority governing only in the West Bank. Repeated efforts to reconcile the two Palestinian factions have since failed.

http://www.cbc.ca/cp/world/i78067.html