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The Other Armenia

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  • #11
    Re: The Other Armenia

    The Debate Rages on Regarding Jirayr Sefilyan

    Hrant Gadarigian June 02, 2008

    In the last issue of “Hetq’s” English edition an article entitled “Commander Sefilyan is an “Undesirable” in the Eyes of the Authorities”. Given the unprecedented number of commentary responses it received we’ve decided to summarize the points raised regarding “Commander” Sefilyan, both pro and con, and the larger context in which his threatened deportation from Armenia is viewed.

    At the outset, we should point out that all respondents agreed that Jirayr Sefilyan was indeed a self-sacrificing Armenian from the Diaspora who bravely fought in the Artsakh liberation struggle and is thus considered a national war hero. It appears that the differences of opinion stem from Mr. Sefilyan’s political activities and ideological positions after the war ended.

    So why the need to deport this man who left his home in Lebanon to return to Armenia, who fought in the Karabakh War and who has applied for ROA and NKR citizenship on several occasions? What are the charges against him to warrant such drastic action? Before getting to the meat of the matter, we need to note recent developments in the Sefilyan case.

    First of all, the government of Armenia appears intent to carry out the legal formalities in the deportation process despite the fact that the Administrative Court has sent back to the Police Department the latter’s original petition demand to have Sefilyan deported. The reason - because the Police Department, apparently in their haste to deport the man, forgot to mention Jirayr Sefilyan’s name as the plaintiff in the documentation.

    Secondly, NKR President Bako Sahakyan is quoted as saying on May 27th that the recent petition of Mr. Sefilyan’s, for Karabakh citizenship, “Will not go unanswered. I will present our official position on the matter in my reply.” Masis Mayilyan, the former Deputy Foreign Minister of the NKR, is also reported to have commented on Sefilyan’s citizenship request having stated that, “I believe that Commander Sefilyan has good grounds on which to be granted citizenship.” The former official, as quoted in the “Demo” newspaper, continues to say that even if the 2006 arrest of Sefilyan is to be considered lawful, his deportation would be a much more severe punishment than the jail time he has already served. Then Mr. Mayilyan touches on an aspect of the case that many of our respondents also broached, namely the symbolic significance of Sefilyan’s deportation in the larger national (read Diasporan) context. The former diplomat accurately observes that Commander Sefilyan’s deportation would have wide-ranging negative repercussions in the Diaspora and that the NKR, unlike the position of the ROA, would take the moral high ground by doing the right thing and granting Sefilyan some type of special residency status until its own citizenship law, now under review, is finalized and adopted.

    Another interesting factor to be noted is the large number of Armenians living outside of the ROA who felt the need to speak out on this issue. Is it the fact that Jirayr Sefilyan himself is Diaspora-born and who, as a young man, made the decision to repatriate to Armenia driven by some inner urge to contribute to the development of the country that he considered his own? Inherent in this is the larger issue, raised by some of the respondents, as to whether present-day Armenia can actually be considered the adoptive homeland for all Armenians scattered throughout the world, irrespective of their original origins, western or eastern Armenia? Recently in the Republic of Armenia a law on dual citizenship was passed and is now in effect. It would seem that the government of Armenia has seen fit to facilitate the ‘repatriation’ to Armenia of those living in the Diaspora who wish to do so. As Hag Artesian states in his comment, “In my opinion, each Armenian person living in Diaspora, should have the right to emigrate and become full citizen of ROA.” On the face of it, such a sentiment, in principle, would likely meet with universal approval. Mihran Keheyian, another apparent Armenian from the Diaspora, echoes this sentiment by stating, “He must be left to live a free life in Armenia, it’s the home of all Armenians, no matter what they believe in. In his case he was a hero of Artsakh, therefore no matter what he has done wrong or not he must be allowed to stay in Armenia.”

    The Diasporan response to the threat of deportation hanging over the head of Mr.Sefilyan is also reflected in the large number of emails sent by Armenians in Lebanon, Canada, France and elsewhere in support of the jailed freedom fighter, as reported by his Support Committee.

    So why the need to deport this man who left his home in Lebanon to return to Armenia, who fought in the Karabakh War and who has applied for ROA and NKR citizenship on several occasions? What are the charges against him to warrant such drastic action?

    The facts of the case remain as mentioned in our original article. Jirayr Sefilyan was imprisoned for the “illegal possession” of a firearm. Rightly or wrongly Sefilyan has served his jail time for this offence and is soon to be released.

    Despite what readers like Gurgen surmise, “War hero or no war hero, Sefilian today poses a danger to the Armenian state. And the fact the he attempted to throw his weight behind the treasonous criminal Levon Petrosian is enough to get him expelled from the republic.” or Concerned Armenian allege, “Apparently, he and several others were organizing an armed group with the intention of assassinating Armenian official for planning to give Armenian lands to the Azeris. He and his armed group were getting ready to assassinate Armenian politicians simply based on vicious rumors and hearsay, stupid and dangerous rumors such as the widespread tale about Kocharyan selling Artsakh to the Azeris for 9 billion US dollars.” the fact remains that the government of Armenia has never offered substantive evidence as to why Sefilyan faces deportation. More to the point, those readers who agree with the deportation of Sefilyan seem more than ready to present what they believe are grounds to take such action-regardless of whether what they offer as “evidence” is essentially innuendo, hearsay and unsubstantiated rumor. Take for example the reasoning of Araik, one of our commentators, who states, “The deranged lunatic in question needs to be expelled from the Armenian Republic. Being a "war hero" does not give anybody the right to dictate national policy nor doe sit give one the right to threaten assassinations. Jirayr belongs in a third world nation.”

    “Danger to the Armenian state”, “Deranged lunatic”, “Apparently organizing armed groups” - these seem to be the reasons why a tiny minority of readers seem willing to deport Sefilyan. Amazingly though, these readers fail to answer the following questions Why, if all this were actually true, hasn’t the government of Armenia charged Sefilyan with treason and being a security risk? What is it about Sefilyan’s hard-line stance regarding the Karabakh negotiations, i.e., not returning any of the liberated lands, that the government finds so disturbing? Is it because the present regime, is actually contemplating such a return of certain lands? or is it the fact that Sefilyan is quoted as saying, ““The work of this national movement to oust this clearly criminal regime must continue until victory...”

    Thus the matter boils down to one of political persecution or crimes against the state. Given that the state has yet to specify what actual crimes Sefilyan is alleged to have committed against the state or conspired to commit, we are again faced with the question, as expressed by a majority of our readers, that the state’s case is far from credible. Vardan Partamyan expresses this widespread sentiment by stating, “I think that the deportation of Sefilian is the logical step of the police state that Armenia is today - scared and weak, all they can (and know how to) do is kill, imprison and, in this case, try to extort all the people who are potentially hazardous to the regime.” Marc Balian also expresses a similar sentiment and puts the issue in a wider pan-Armenian context, “It is time democracy dawns on Armenia. Show the world RA is heading in the right direction. Instead of forcing Armenians out of the Holy Fatherland, bring more of them to Armenia, giving us a chance to live in and build a free and prosperous homeland.”

    Whatever, your views on the subject, we remain of the opinion that a healthy, constructive debate of the Sefilyan case and other issues now confronting the Republic of Armenia, demand the active participation of all individuals, whether in Armenia or the Diaspora, who regard the country as the homeland of all of us. Thank you all for your active participation.

    Comment


    • #12
      Re: The Other Armenia

      Saturday, June 07, 2008

      Healing the wounds of March 1 together.

      A lot of us were shocked when we saw the video about Artur Avagian which was made at a hospital the night of March 1.

      Artur Avagian is one of the victims of the government's crackdown on March 1. He remembers one thing. He remembers something bright passing in front of his eyes. Then his head started shaking as if it was going to fall off. He remembers holding his head with two hands and screaming, hoping that the shaking would stop. He then felt something filling up his mouth, and he spat blood and his own teeth out. He doesn't remember what happened next.

      According to 'Armenia' hospital doctors, he was found near the Marzahamergayin Hamalir sports complex. He was brought to the hospital and taken to surgery that lasted 7 hours.

      A1+ asks and pleads to the specialist doctors in Armenia and in diaspora who can consult or undertake the difficult task of curing Artur. This will require financial assistance, too.

      Let us help Artur to overcome the scars of the bloody event. Let us help the Armenian society heal after the March 1 tragedy. A1+ will be opening a bank account for this purpose. Stay tuned.

      Corresponding video

      Comment


      • #13
        Re: The Other Armenia

        Web 2.0 comes to Armenia.

        There is a brand new web portal for information sharing; it was reportedly conceived after the March 1 crackdown on free media. The content is user generated and seeks to spread interesting and relevant news items about the world, economy, etc. The users determine whether the news items are relevant and should be on the first page. Obviously, the more people vote, the better.

        KHOSQ.COM

        Comment


        • #14
          Re: The Other Armenia

          FYI, There's a 28 page coverage of the "clashes" in the April issue of "Nouvelles d'Arménie" - by different contributors, and with many pictures by Max Sivaslian -
          and, 10+ pages in the May issue.
          What if I find someone else when looking for you? My soul shivers as the idea invades my mind.

          Comment


          • #15
            Re: The Other Armenia

            Originally posted by Siamanto View Post
            with many pictures by Max Sivaslian
            Some of the pictures can be found at http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=39032
            What if I find someone else when looking for you? My soul shivers as the idea invades my mind.

            Comment


            • #16
              Re: The Other Armenia

              Originally posted by Siamanto View Post
              Some of the pictures can be found at http://www.armenews.com/article.php3?id_article=39032
              Yet some of our forumers expect us to believe that "amen inch lav eh."

              Comment


              • #17
                Re: The Other Armenia

                A Test of Will: Opposition plans rally as Council of Europe prepares to judge freedom in Armenia

                By Marianna Grigoryan
                ArmeniaNow reporter
                Published: 06 June, 2008

                While Armenia’s authorities continue to insist that they have the political will to fulfill demands set out by the Council of Europe, the opposition plans to put those intentions to the test.

                It has called a public rally on Liberty Square for June 20, just days before the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) considers whether Armenia has met the conditions set out in Resolution 1609.

                “Taking into account the cynical disrespect of the authorities to the demands of Resolution 1609, as well as the expiration of the term for their fulfillment stated in the resolution, the Popular Movement has decided to hold an all-republican public rally in Liberty Square on June 20 that will summarize the process of the fulfillment of the above-mentioned requirements and discuss what the people is to do in restoring basic democratic freedoms,” a statement by the Popular Movement said.

                Resolution 1609 contained more than two dozen points and was adopted during the PACE session in Strasbourg in mid-April as a guide for easing political tensions in Armenia following the violence of March 1, when 10 people died in clashes between security forces and protesters.

                “I believe that Armenia’s authorities and the Armenian people will embark already on a democratic path within the short period before June,” co-rapporteur of the PACE Monitoring Commission, George Colombier, stated in Strasbourg.

                The resolution demanded that Armenia’s authorities hold an independent and transparent inquiry into the March 1 events, attached particular importance to a dialogue between the government and the opposition and, among other provisions, demanded the “urgent release of persons detained on seemingly artificial and politically motivated charges”.

                The PACE said that it would consider suspending the voting rights of the Armenian delegation to the Assembly at its June 2008 part-session commencing June 20, if considerable progress had not been made on these requirements by then.

                The June 20 public rally has become a focal point of discussions inside and beyond political circles in Armenia as the deadline for the June session approaches.

                After the March 1 events, more than a thousand people were detained by police, about 100 were arrested, including a large number of prominent opposition figures, and a presidential state of emergency banned public demonstrations. The National Assembly hastily adopted legislative reforms that placed sever restrictions on marches and public rallies after the state of emergency was lifted.

                The PACE resolution demanded that the Armenian authorities immediately invalidate the amendments to the Law on Meetings, Public Rallies, Marches and Demonstrations in line with proposals from the Venice Commission. But the opposition says that changes have been of a purely “cosmetic” nature.

                Levon Ter-Petrosyan’s press secretary Arman Musinyan told ArmeniaNow that the opposition had applied to Yerevan’s municipality more than 50 times in recent months for permission to hold a public rally, but were refused each time. Musinyan says that they will soon apply to the municipality for permission to hold the rally on June 20.

                “I think that, proceeding from simple logic, the authorities will allow the rally this time,” political analyst Aghasi Yenokyan says. “Considering the fact that no such rallies have been held in recent months, and that people have a great desire to hear what opposition leaders will say, I think the public rally will be allowed, will take place and will draw quite large crowds.”

                Levon Zurabyan, an opposition member and former spokesman for the first president, expressed confidence at a press conference on June 3 that “the authorities cannot endlessly reject one of the basic rights of the Armenian people”. He stressed that the rally would go ahead anyway.

                “The public rally of June 20 will take place and will take place with the participation of Levon Ter-Petrosyan,” Zurabyan said. “The rally will be held in Liberty Square in any case.”

                He said that he expected the authorities to appoint police to maintain public order on that day, as otherwise “the authorities will bear responsibility for all possible developments”.

                Governing Republican Party of Armenia spokesman MP Eduard Sharmazanov says that any process in Armenia should be within the boundaries of law.

                “And it is within the limits of law that police are to perform their duties,” Sharmazanov told ArmeniaNow. “The opposition should understand that the time of speaking with ultimatums is over.”

                Comment


                • #18
                  Re: The Other Armenia

                  Nikol Pashinian: A few observations

                  The SS regime has advanced a number of propaganda expressions through its mouthpieces which re-emerge from press-conference to press-conference, from speech to speech, from interview to interview. The aim is to brainwash the audience.

                  And though the SS ideas have completely been disproved, they continue to circulate. The purpose of this article is to reflect upon these propaganda items and the questions surrounding them. I ask the audience to be forgiving if he or she notices repeated thoughts. And so, what does the regime insist on?

                  Argument # 1: The events of March 1 were not in the interests of the government and were beneficial to the opposition.

                  In reality this is not an argument but a simple desire. Obviously, it would have been better for the Kocharian-o-Serjist gang if March 1 did not happen and they managed to cling to power at the same time. The problem is that without the massacre of March 1, the Kocharian-Sargsian duo did not have any means to prolong its existence for a meaningful period of time. Nowadays the regime is betting on time but on March 1 or 2 time was running out for them. The collapse of the ruling clan was imminent without the attack on the Liberty Square and the ringing of shots. The massacre of March 1 was the only chance for the Kocharian-o-Serjist gang just like the October 27 of 1999.

                  The Popular Movement, on the other hand, suffered heavy and irreversible losses on March 1. Its victorious march was halted because of the massacre and all the influential participants, a large chunk of the leadership ended up either in jail, went underground or became the target of the police. Kocharian thought that during the past 10 years he had managed to break the will of the people and made them spineless. The Kocharian-Sargsian duo, however, was wrong. They were wrong, and just like the period before March 1, the time for the regime is running out: more importantly, it is the “extra time” or “overtime” that was added through violence.

                  Argument # 2: Serj Sargsian did not want to move to the Presidential Palace through a blood covered trail.

                  I can barely hold my laughter – Serj Sarsgian did not have any other way. The People associate his name with the management of the corrupt system. How could such a person have an illusion that he could become a president without violence. The violence had started long before Levon Ter Petrossian’s speech on September 21.

                  If Serj Sargsian does not want to be blood-covered president, he can prove it easily: announce the date of his resignation within a week, say October 1. Let him prepare for free, fair and transparent elections until October 1; one suggestion could be to create a “Presidential Elections” TV channel instead of the “Culture” TV channel which would air only the materials provided by the presidential candidates be it free or for a fee.

                  Let the chief of the republic police a person whose candidacy is given by Serj Sargsian but with the opposition’s consent. Let the people arrested for March 1 be allowed to let out of jail on bond and the prosecutions stop until the report published by an independent committee. Let Serj Sargsian, too, be a presidential candidate. In response to this, I am sure the opposition will agree not to hold any demonstrations save 1 or 2 informative gathering.

                  This would be an eye-popping dialog.

                  And if the population elects Serj Sargsian as their president then it would amount to a suicide if the opposition does not congratulate him.

                  Argument # 3: The Levon Ter Petrossian campaign team was preparing for the post-electoral processes since the fall of 2007 instead of the elections.

                  The argument gets made to show that the Ter Petrosian campaign was not interested in the opinion of the people reflected through the elections but was rather interested in seizing power through post election processes. If the SS minions were not lazy, they could have found out that the Yerevan Municipality was notified and had acknowledged all the demonstrations that the team gathered around Ter Petrossian.

                  Contrast this with the post election period, i.e. since February 19. The Ter Petrossian campaign had notified the Yerevan Municipality about one gathering only for February 20. By law, such notifications to the municipality should have been made by February 17 at the latest.

                  In all the countries of the world the presidential candidates communicate with the electorate the day after the elections so there is nothing extraordinary about this. If they have won, this is where they are congratulated, or if they have lost, they congratulate the winner if the victory has been achieved through legal means.

                  It is worth to mention that Serj Sargsian had also planned a gathering on February 20 which did not take place.

                  If Levon Ter Petrossian was not campaigning for the elections but was waiting for the post election period, nobody was preventing his team to notify the municipality about meetings on February 21, 22, 23, 24 or any other days. Such meetings simply were not planned. The people loudly shouting this argument could have checked this out had they not been lazy; or maybe they do not lack stamina but honesty.

                  Argument # 4: The meetings at the Liberty Square that took place from February 20 to March 1 were illegal.

                  If the municipality was not notified about these meetings, which is the case, it still does not mean that they were illegal.

                  The law about Gatherings, Meetings, Demonstrations and Pickets up until March 19 allowed to initiate mass events without notifying anyone. During the round the clock meetings I was twice approached by the police about this and I patiently proved the legality of our actions. This happened in front of the cameras for the “02” TV show about the police. The police did not counter to my explanations and did not present any demands.

                  I have publicly invited the state lawyers to a discussion in my speeches at Liberty Square. The subject for this discussion would have been the issue of the legality of these meetings. To this day no one from the government has accepted my invitation. Implicitly, the government has admitted their defeat. By changing the aforementioned law, the Kocharian-o-Serjist gang has admitted that we acted within the confines of the law. They admitted this by coming up with the silly reason that they needed to conduct a search after they dispersed the people from the Liberty Square. The meeting on March 1 at the Miasnikian statue was legal as well.

                  Argument # 5: There is no guarantee that the losing candidate at the extraordinary elections will not bring his supporters to the street and destabilize the situation.

                  If a candidate is able to consistently attract up to one million people to his meetings after the elections, it means that he is not a losing candidate but a victorious one, and the results have been falsified. No politician can bring the people to the streets, and above all, keep them there if what he has to say is not the truth and his position is not factual and based on facts. And the people should have seen these same facts with their own eyes. And if so many people have seen these facts then we are dealing with widespread fraud.

                  Argument # 6: The Popular Movement is “color”-ed, i.e. is financed by the West.

                  This argument is being made so that to draw parallels between the Popular Movement and the Georgian or Ukrainian revolutions. But it is absurd to think that the West is trying to bring Levon Ter Petrossian to power while their monitors describe the elections, which ended up with Serj Sarsgian being declared the victor, “was conducted mostly in line with the country’s international commitments”. And they said this while listing numerous facts of fraud and breaches of law.

                  What did this mean? This means that the West says: “Serj jan, even though you have not been elected, we are not against that you become the president”. If the West had a “color” outpost it would have not done this. There was a deal; but it was between different Western “institutions” and the Kocharian-o-Serjist gang. But now this deal is stuck in both the West’s and Serj’s throats.

                  Some Western bosses have seen that clouds are gathering above their heads and have decided to jump Serj’s sinking ship.

                  I would advise the ones who speak of a color revolution to read the OSCE reports prior to the Rose and Orange revolutions and compare them with the OSCE reports about the 2008 election. All this will be clear then.

                  And yes, do you think the Serjist “exit poll” from London appeared in Armenia by accident?

                  These were the government’s propaganda items that I wanted to talk about. But there is another issue that is important in this context. Some people, even those considered to be in the opposition, speaking about another oppositionist say “He is not a person who would pick up a stick”. This, obviously, is said in the context of the recent events. I.e. picking a wooden stick or a pipe implicitly becomes something to be condemned but without clarifying the circumstances.

                  But it has become clear that these people are the servants of the lawlessness and bespredel. Should a person refrain from defending himself, his sister, brother or child? Should he live crouched by submitting to the threats issued by the bespredel? No. Definitely no! I want to say this to the people who picked a wooden stick to defend their mothers, wives and sisters. You are heroes, brothers, and I am prod to live among you. We will not initiate violence but we will not allow for others to commit violence against us. Be inspired, keep your chins high. Our victory is certain, so պայքար, պայքար մինչեւ վերջ, and so հի-մա, հի-մա, հի-մա.

                  P.S. A lot of songs about liberty and freedom have been written lately. I suggest an act; while driving, put these songs and turn up the volume as much as you can. The MP3-s are available for these songs.

                  P.S. 2. Galust Sahakian has been making predictions about thr Movement. I want to make a prediction about him. Very soon Galust Sahakian will be holding press conferences to reveal the criminal nature of Robert Kocharian and Serj Sargsian. He will also declare that he has been an undercover member of Levon Ter Petrossian’s campaign.

                  P.S. 3. Here is an interesting observation. The people who most often talk about the fraud during the 1996 elections are the ones who were part of the government then, i.e. either were fraudsters themselves or served the fraudster team. In 1996 they never uttered a word about this. For example, Albert Bazeyan, or some journalists. Even Shushan Petrosian cites 1996, and we know that she was a palatial singer in 1996 as she is now.

                  Comment


                  • #19
                    Re: The Other Armenia

                    SERIOUS ISSUES ARE MAINLY SOLVED THROUGH BRIBING IN ARMENIA, YEREVAN RESIDENTS ASSERT

                    NOYAN TAPAN
                    June 11, 2008

                    YEREVAN, JUNE 11, NOYAN TAPAN. The subject of Noyan Tapan's June
                    11 blitz survey was Corruption in Armenia. The survey was held in
                    Yerevan. Below are the answers of the respondents completely and
                    without editing.

                    QUESTION. IN YOUR OPINION, ARE ISSUES SOLVED EASIER THROUGH BRIBING
                    IN ARMENIA?

                    ANSWER. To tell the truth, I did not believe it was possible,
                    but it can be said that there is some progress in that issue. As
                    an example I can mention the fact that last year my son entered a
                    higher educational institution withiout bribing, which I think was
                    impossible several years ago.

                    A. Serious issues are mainly solved through bribing in Armenia.

                    A. At present in order to solve simple clerical issues in our country
                    one should either give a bribe and solve his problem within some
                    minutes or get nervous applying for solving his problem for many days.

                    A. I think not only in Armenia, but also in any country of the world
                    bribe is considered the easiest way of solving issues, besides, in many
                    cases it is beneficial for both those giving the bribe and taking it.

                    A. In my opinion, it depends on the bribe amount: the bigger is the
                    bribe, the easier the issues are solved.

                    A. Certainly, they are solved easily, for instance, give me any
                    problem that is considered unsolvable, some X sum of money, and I
                    can make solvable that problem considered to be unsolvable.

                    Q. CAN WE SAY THAT CORRUPTION HAS REDUCED IN ARMENIA: IS BRIBE TAKEN
                    MORE SELDOM?

                    A. At present bribery has reduced a little, as a new power has come,
                    and many are afraid of taking a bribe. However, I think it will be
                    this way until everyone is firmly established on his post.

                    A. For instance, if we compare the current situation with that of 10
                    years ago, it is possible that we record a progress in this issue.

                    A. I think bribery has not decreased, but increased for even more
                    in Armenia.

                    A. Corruption is becoming more and more in our country, and I do not
                    hope that it will reduce.

                    A. As long as those having posts and positions in Armenia only think
                    of their pockets, no reduction of corruption can be spoken about.

                    A. I think fish begins to stink at the head, and bribery has always
                    been and is becoming more and more in our country.

                    Q. WHAT SPHERES HAVE REMAINED THE MOST CORRUPTED ONES IN ARMENIA. WHERE
                    IS BRIBE TAKEN MOST OF ALL?

                    A. In my opinion, there will hardly be a sphere in Armenia, where
                    solving a problem through a bribe will be impossible.

                    A. As far as I imagine, the most corrupted sphere is the judicial
                    sphere in Armenia.

                    A. In my opinion, it is no secret for anyone that Armenia's defence
                    sphere is considered a sphere taking bribes: soldiers go on leave
                    with a bribe, with rather big sums children of wealthy families do
                    military service at military units they prefer, etc.

                    A. I think no official and no human being in general is able to
                    resist the tempting proposal to receive a round sum for signing a
                    few papers, therefore I think that bribery has always been and will
                    exist in all spheres.

                    A. The deepest roots of corruption in Armenia are in the educational
                    sphere: many of our students spend a lot of money until they graduate
                    from an Institute.

                    Q. DO YOU HOPE THAT IN COMING FIVE YEARS IT WILL BE POSSIBLE TO EASIER,
                    WITHOUT BRIBE SOLVE PROBLEMS IN ARMENIA?

                    A. Though they say that while there is life, there is hope, I do not
                    hope that problems can be solved without bribing in Armenia.

                    A. No, I do not hope. I think there will always be people, who will
                    take a bribe.

                    A. In the coming five years no, but it may be possible in ten years.

                    A. I do not even believe that even in 15 years there will be such a
                    law and order in Armenia, not to mention the coming 5 years.

                    A. Nothing of the kind is possible, bribery has always been and
                    will exist.

                    Q. WHO IS MORE TO BLAME, WHETHER THOSE GIVING OR TAKING A BRIBE?

                    A. If all problems are solved through bribing, people have nothing
                    else to do but to give a bribe.

                    A. Certainly, those giving a bribe.

                    A. If those taking a bribe do not demand it, no one will give a bribe.

                    A. Those giving the bribe, it is them who promote bribery.

                    A. Both are equally to blame.

                    A. Unequivocally those giving a bribe, unless people give a bribe,
                    bribery will be liquidated in our country.

                    Comment


                    • #20
                      Re: The Other Armenia

                      Armenians and Progressive Politics

                      Looking for an Armenian Progressive Agenda

                      NEW YORK (A.W.)—The panel addressing the question “What Would a Global Armenian Progressive Agenda Look Like?” included the following panelists: lawyer and human rights activist Armineh Arakelian, former Weekly editor Antranig Kasbarian, and member of the Presidential Board of the Permanent Human Rights Assembly in Argentina Pedro Mouratian, with Levon Chorbajian moderating.

                      Reworking nationalism

                      “For at least the last several decades, most of Armenian political groupings have remained immune to progressive ideas and practices,” said Kasbarian. He explained that due to this immunity, Armenian issues have often been framed narrowly and conventionally and “too often derive from concepts and terms deriving from ruling elites.” He underlined that Armenians often practice “outdated forms of nationalism” or, especially in Armenia today, an ascended neo-liberalism. “We can come up with more crisp at times radical terms and concepts that can define our political agenda,” he said.

                      Kasbarian stressed the importance of accounting for class disparities, environmental degradation, women’s rights, and a host of other issues that traditionally have not been addressed in Armenian political discourse, which he considered “pragmatic at best, vague and reactionary at worst.”

                      Arguing that today, “oppression cuts across class lines just as sharply as it cuts along national lines,” Kasparian noted that, heretical as it might sound, we must do away with concepts like “national unity.” Uniting all Armenian around issues like Karabakh is important, he said, “but frankly, I won’t be too upset if I have nothing in common with certain Armenians and have nothing to do with them. The less I have to do with oligarchs in Armenia, the better off I am.” He added, “This kind of nationalism, in which you rationalize and say ‘lav eli, hay e’ (‘well, he is Armenian’) needs to come to an end.”

                      In his concluding remarks, he stressed, “Frankly, I do not want all Armenians as my friends and allies. What I want to have is deeper ties, deeper connections than simply ethnicity.” He noted that “our nationalism as an organizing principle needs to be reworked and revamped.”

                      Beyond genocide

                      Mouratian asked, “Why do we say that we’re progressives and not socialists? This is because for 70 years, we lived under a communist regime that used socialism as it mantra. And that regime, even if it came to power in the name of radical ideals, eventually metamorphosed into a dictatorship. Based on this experience, we retreated from socialist tendencies and became more and more bourgeois.”

                      He continued, “How do we make sense of what it means to be progressive today? People have very real social needs that political policies are simply not addressing. … For 70 years before the fall of the Soviet Union, Armenians fought to maintain their communities, fought for liberty, fought to genocide recognition, but today we have a free and independent Armenia, and within that context, are we prepared to go beyond the genocide issue, or is that going to remain the main underpinning of our identity?” he asked.

                      Degenerate elite

                      Arakelian, talking about foreign aid, said, “Being an expert and professional who worked in the UN, EU, and elsewhere on issues of democracy building and human rights promotion, I was very much aware that foreign aid sometimes helps. But most often it doesn’t really help in society building and state building because those institutions providing the assistance don’t have a developmental approach. It’s more of a post-colonial approach of getting into these countries, sometimes consciously sometimes subconsciously, with their own foreign policy agendas.”

                      She noted that there is a real need for an alternative formulated agenda and program for Armenians and especially in Armenia.

                      Speaking about the important of developing a global Armenian progressive agenda, Arakelian said that there are some prerequisites and principles we should take into account. She explained that Armenian progressives cannot be alone and work as a ghetto. “They should follow closely other progressive movements, influence them, and get inspired by them. This is a big gap we have. We are very far from progressive movements and groups.”

                      “Our elite is degenerated,” she noted, “especially in Armenia. Writers, journalists, artists, and singers are not aware of their own function as elites. It is important to change the elite. It’s not a question of generation and age, it’s a mindset and thinking issue.” She explained that we need a new elite not cut off from the grassroots and people, both in Armenia and diaspora.

                      “National issues and nationalism is not just defending Artsakh and Armenia’s national security. It is creating progressive society, based on social justice, solidarity, and equality of opportunities,” she said, noting that human beings in Armenia are not valued as human beings and are treated with no respect.

                      She noted, “People are exploited in Armenia, they work for 12-18 hours for 3 thousand drams [10 dollars], and people—teachers, workers—don’t get organized. Not even students do. They don’t dare or prefer to bribe teachers and officials and get their diplomas than have a problem with their teachers.”

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