Elections in Armenia

[Armenian]

An excellent commentary from a Russian source about Levon Ter Petrosian and the up-coming elections in Armenia. Let's see if this will help some of the mentally retarded idiots in our community take their heads out of their asses:

Levon Ter-Petrosian as a Tool of Armenia’s Destabilisation

A long awaited happening, the interest to which had been fanned for months, took place in Armenia. On October 26, 2007 former president Levon Ter-Petrosian, currently an actual leader of Armenian National Movement (ANM), the former ruling party made a 90-minute speech in Theatre Square in Yerevan. Despite quite a few logical discrepancies, pseudo-historic excursions, dubious allusions and populist declarations he declared his intention to run for presidency in February of 2008. Many people attended the meeting, but those who are still sincerely fond of the former president were evidently in the minority. There were many people who were there out of sheer curiosity and those who are always displeased with any acting authority.

On the eve of the meeting radical opposition from the pro-Western movement “Alternative” provoked clashes with police, which were immediately taken advantage of for the stirring up the situation, given that usually the authorities do not prevent their opposition from holding meetings, asking them to observe the law and order. Some Armenian media characterise the tactics used by the ex-president and his supporters as the willingness “to aggravate the internal situation, forcing the authorities to make another mistake at any cost.” Unsanctioned meetings, office capture raids and blocking the bodies of state, stirring up of domestic disorder and interference in the work of election commissions can be disguised as “spontaneous” people’s protest. A dramatic rise of foodstuffs prices can stimulate the spreading of rumours about “inevitable” political and socio-economic upheavals. This tactic has been tested many times in the countries where the “colour” coups were organised; in Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine and Kirghizia. An attempt of a coup undertaken by the radical opposition in Yerevan in 2004 (organised, along with others by Aram Sarkisian and Stepan Demirchian, who were seen together with Ter-Petrosian October 26) met with hard but legally correct suppression. Another Western project in the republic was Artur Bagdasarian, who finally discredited himself during the May 2008 parliamentary elections. What are we to expect this time?

The tonality of many statements of “the soft intellectual” Ter-Petrosian proves that the new election campaign will be quite acute. Again, as in the late 1980s, when Ter-Petrosian was desperate about gaining power, the wedge of a slogan “Struggle, struggle till the end!” has been forced in. But the fact that the “mafia-type clan regime” is criticised by none other than the genuine architect of this regime, is amusing. Ter-Petrosian’s call for bringing order to the nation looks especially mocking, given that the destruction of Armenia’s economy and key elements of its infrastructure (except for, maybe, the young national army) during his stint was systemic and targeted. The rampage of arbitrariness was written off as inevitable aftermath of hostilities and Azerbaijanian blockade, which in particular were to deepen the “anti-Karabakhs” sentiment in the Armenian society. Using the Karabakh issue as a springing board for his leap to power, all his years as president Ter-Petrosian was obstinately pushing through his idea of making Karabakh prisoner of Azerbaijan (under the guise of “autonomy”), calling that “realism”. However the fact that head of the Armenian state promised the earth to Ankara, reassuring the nation that a day will come when Turkey would unlock the frontier while Karabakh Armenians were on the brink of a physical destruction, spoke about helplessness and incompetence rather than the pursuance of foreign policies that could meet the nation’s interests…

The 1996 presidential elections were openly falsified to give the victory to Ter-Petrosian; opposition was suppressed never stopping of using tanks. In 1997, when the set off between Ter-Petrosian on the one hand and other members of the political and military establishment on the other became evident, it was exactly the presidential side that resorted to a political combination aimed at the removal of the president’s opponents from the bodies of power. Attempts to provoke a political crisis by way of a series of acts of terror leading the way to a dismissal of prime-minister (Robert Kocharian) or the Minister of Interior and Security (Serge Sarkisian) met with the hard public opposition of Defence Minister Vazgen Sarkisian. And in 1999, shortly before his tragic death, speaking at parliament prime-minister Vazgen Sarkisian said to the nation that the energy crisis was not a result of the Karabakh war. To quote the documents of the interim parliamentary committee that investigated abuse of power at the time: “2058 railway cars with 115,000 tonnes of fuel oil shipped to the Razdan and Yerevan power stations in 1992 were not registered, as well as 1184 tank-cars at the Razdan power station (66,000 tonnes) and 874 tank-cars at the Yerevan power station (49,000 tonnes)…

There were many other facts of this kind. The real cause of the crisis were rampant theft, total irresponsibility and the lack of experience of running the state of the ANM activists. The situation in the republic was precisely characterised by the statement of the former interior Minister Vano Siradegian in one of his interviews when he called the then prime-minister Grant Bagratian, the follower of Yegor Gaidar, “a madman”, who was running the national economy. In turn, Siradegian was accused of organising a series of contract killings, and is now hiding somewhere outside of Armenia. At present, a decade and a half after that many were naïve enough to expect former president Ter-Petroisan to admit his mistakes, recalling the hardships Armenians suffered in the first half of the 1990s. And naturally, their expectations were futile. According to the BBC, he was not going to explain anything, as he did not think it necessary to give explanations in the early 1990s when the country was chilled to the bone without electricity and hot water for three years and when trees were cut in Yerevan for fuel. The former president did not change and did not learn his lessons. He confirmed that at the October 26 meeting saying: ”I am what I am, and that is the way I will stay.”

Robert Kocharian must be right thinking the Armenians do not wish to see a comeback of things of the past. During his stay in Megri, Kocharian made first evaluation of his predecessor’s intentions to return to power. He observed that Levon Ter-Petrosian was not a principal candidate for presidency, so he would hardly be in the focus of public attention. Recalling the sad results of the ANM parliamentary campaign he added:”Seeing that the national economy has been restored, ANM again decided the time came to rob. With their mouths watered, they decided to lean on the resource of the former president8. Certain groups in Armenia (a rather small country where informal relations and kinship play an important role) and influential players abroad (also a significant factor) are undoubtedly interested in the “advancement” of Ter-Petrosian. Confidence in self-righteousness of some of the ANM activists is organically combined with the anti-Russian rhetoric of a tonality close to that of their “senior brothers” in Georgia and Ukraine. It is curious to mention that Azeris also back Ter-Petrosian, doing that in a very unusual way. The most frenzied are yearning for blood, while others wage the information war more skilfully, stating in particular that the hypothetical arrival of Ter-Petrosian to power will not be to the advantage of Azerbaijan as the man will – allegedly – rapidly put an end to the Russian presence, maintaining good relations with Washington, thus weakening Baku’s positions in negotiations on Nagorno Karabakh. Such propaganda ambiguities are made largely with an eye to Armenian Internet users who scoop their information from Azeri web sites…

There is no one questioning the importance of combating corruption, protection of human rights and the rights of a citizen, unless that becomes a pretext for interference in internal affairs of another state, a total or partial liquidation of its sovereignty and the formation of a state power system managed from outside. The current Armenian leadership can be assessed differently. It has not yet solved many acute socio-economic problems. For example, the system of central heating in Yerevan that had “passed away” in the “glorious” days of Ter-Petrosian’s rash liberalism has not yet been restored. Karabakh, once a well-developed industrialized suburb of the Armenian capital now looks like a battlefield with its half-broken buildings with yawning broken windows that previously housed production workshops, robbed during the wild privatization campaign. However, one cannot fail but acknowledge positive changes Robert Kocharian spoke about: in 1997 Armenia’s budget amounted to a mere 300 million dollars, whereas in 2008 its revenues are expected to amount to $2.28 billion with expenditure amounting to $2.5 billion. The sizes of state budgets and GDP of Armenia and Georgia are about the same, even though Georgia is in a much more favourable situation, given bigger territory and population, an access to the sea, and its sizeable revenues thanks to implementing together with Azerbaijan and Turkey joint communications projects. Lavish contributions to the current Tbilisi leadership for its anti-Russian line should not be disregarded either (by the way, one of the accusations Ter-Petrosian’s backers lay on the authorities is Armenia’s isolation from these much touted projects). However, expansion of the Turkish capital into Georgia in mid-term perspective can have quite unexpected consequences affecting its ethnic and confessional situation and stability.

Meanwhile to meet its national interests Armenia started implementing its own projects. They include the construction of a natural gas pipeline from Iran to Armenia, potentially with a branch to Europe, and the project of establishing single energy space with Russia, Iran and Georgia, commissioning of a new automobile road crossing the Megri pass in the mountains, plans of installing the second unit of the Metsamor nuclear power station, a petroleum refinery and a railway line from Armenia to Iran. In the times of Ter-Petrosian who cherished the idea of turning Armenia into a “Middle East crossroads “ the like of Lebanon, and who recently stated that the border between Armenia and Iran is effectively non-existent due to the complicated surface geometry of the region, such plans could not be even dreamed of. Peace and stability are required for the implementation of such projects, but given the unyielding stance of Azerbaijan in the issue of Nagorno Karabakh and its rapid militarization, the republic of Nagorno Karabakh in its present-day borders is a significant element of maintaining the balance of forces in the region.

Ter-Petrosian’s chances of winning the election are as good as nil. According to serious observers, in reality he can only count on the support of not more than a fraction of several percents of the electorate. His only hope is provoking meetings in the streets, pumping up destructive emotions, provoking dissent in the armed forces and law enforcement agencies and what is more dangerous, fanning parochial sentiment (for example, using the scenario of Aiastan – Karabakh setoff), the distinguishing feature of Ter-Petrosian’s “leadership” (especially in the last period of his presidency). Such event would inevitably throw the country back to late 1980s, the period of general upheaval, revolution-like street meetings that pushed him up to the top of presidential power in 1991. Such upheavals spell no good whatever.

Significant effort will be made to dupe the republic‘s citizens. This is an organic component of a possible scenario of the internal political destabilisation. The potential role of the indefatigable minority charged ideologically and amply fed from outside in both organisational and financial terms. In the event anyone else but Ter-Petrosian win the elections Western observers could come up with a bulletproof statement acknowledging their results as illegitimate. For greater persuasiveness some exit-pool results can be presented that would allegedly unequivocally support the “right” candidate. The outer legitimisation of the capture of political authority usually goes hand in hand with a strong information and propaganda pressure, including diplomatic channels (statements of official representatives of the U.S. State Department, PACE and OSCE foreign observers). What will be important at that stage will be the final result, hectic work to fit Armenia into the pro-Western “sanitary cordon” along the borders of Russia and Iran, whereas the actual transparency of the elections and presence or absence of falsifications will have no meaning whatsoever?

The Russian presence in the Transcaucasia in the wake of the hasty and ill thought-out withdrawal of troops from Georgia as well as the forced Azerbaijan’s western drift (the summit of “the Caspian group of Five” would hardly reverse this process) is safeguarded, first and foremost, by union relations with Armenia and mutually advantageous cooperation with Iran (which still is to take its final shape). Implementation of major economic projects with the Russian participation in this region is hardly feasible due to the absence of Russia’s firm military and political positions. So Moscow is interested in the maintenance of stability in Armenia, continuity of its policies after the presidential elections and the continued presence in power of forces oriented toward consolidation of union relations with Russia. It is in Russia’s interests to back Armenia in this complicated period, promoting the smooth-going inner political processes in that country.

Moscow’s clear and unambiguous position in the eventuality of boosted attempts to shake Armenian situation during the pre-election period would by and large be decisive for ensuring stability both in that republic and in the Caucasus.

Source: http://en.fondsk.ru/article.php?id=1042

[Lernakan]

Armenian singers support Serge Sargsyan



armradio.am
19.01.2008 14:29

A number of famous singers today officially declared about the decision
to support Prime Minister of Armenia, President of the Republican Party
Serge Sargsyan at the forthcoming presidential elections.

`We have not made that decision forcedly. We did that with the call of
the heart, since the Republican Party has always stood next to culture.
Serge Sargsyan is aware of the victories and pains of our country,'
Shushan Petrosyan noted.

`The candidate whom I'd like to be President of my country is
resolute, courageous and clever,' Nune Yesayan said.

The future President of Armenia, according to singer Hayko, must first
of all be a commander, `with whom we shall feel strong and will be
citizens of a good country.' `I want me and the future generations to
be proud of my Motherland. And I see the realization of my wish in the
candidate elected,' Forsh noted.

Participants of the event stressed the importance of Serge Sargsyan's
support to the realization of different cultural programs and
initiatives. The meeting was concluded with a song specially dedicated
to the presidential elections.


http://groong.usc.edu/news/msg217431.html

[Կարմիր Բ]

I support neither of the main political candidates. Ter-Petrosyan policy that the Armenian Genocide is something that we must debate with Turkey is wrong. And of course I don't support the current ruling elite of mafiosos.

But I believe that this competition for the struggle of power will democratize the country a little more as it will be difficult for both of them to totally silence the other one, which is what both did when they had total power.

The best for Armenia would be the victor, whoever he is, to not win by a very big margin (by the one who will lose) so that the new government will be forced to be under constant check for its actions.

[Armenian]

Originally Posted by Կարմիր Բ

I support neither of the main political candidates. Ter-Petrosyan policy that the Armenian Genocide is something that we must debate with Turkey is wrong. And of course I don't support the current ruling elite of mafiosos. But I believe that this competition for the struggle of power will democratize the country a little more as it will be difficult for both of them to totally silence the other one, which is what both did when they had total power. The best for Armenia would be the victor, whoever he is, to not win by a very big margin (by the one who will lose) so that the new government will be forced to be under constant check for its actions.

Bolshevik, you might be glad to know that I actually agree with the 'essence' of your comments. However, in a presidential competition between Sargsian and Petrosian, hands down the overwhelming favorite is - Sargsian. Whether you like it or not, whether you see it or not, the sociopolitical environment in Armenia has progressed greatly under Kocharyan's rule. This is not time to start over, especially in a highly volatile environment like the Caucasus. I suggest you read some of the articles posted about LTP, especially the one titled - "Levon Ter-Petrosian as a Tool of Armenia’s Destabilisation".

[crusader1492]

Quick question:

Can those who reside in Artsakh vote in the Republic of Armenia elections?

[KarotheGreat]

Has any one seen the news one hayastan today, levo give a speech he was talking about normalizing the relations with Azerbithcan and turkey. How can people still support him.

[Mos]

are the elections Feb. 15 or 19?

[Artsakh]

Originally Posted by Mos

are the elections Feb. 15 or 19?

first round scheduled for the 19th. there may be a second round.

[Lucin]

Originally Posted by Artsakh

After hearing some of stupid comments coming out of der pedrosyans mouth-namely that he will reduce armenia's armed forces to 10,000 and that Azerbaijan is a vital ally for armenia-I am starting to think that Der pedrosyan is actually working for the authorities, that is, he is making himself look so bad, that serje looks like a saint in comparison.

Bariluys!

[freakyfreaky]

Ter-Petrossian rally met with violence. http://www.armenialiberty.org/armeni...418CD11C82.ASP

[freakyfreaky]

Yeah, I'm really not sure who the hooligans are in these groups but Ter-Petrossian sure is a dour looking bugger.

I thought it was funny that he was pointing the finger at those in power as being thugs when there are plenty of people that think he fleeced the country before those that succeeded him.

But stoning, what were they trying to do go medieval on his a-ss or something. What happened to a bullhorn? Not very civilized. The concept of using violence to suppress the opposition is rather barbaric, no?

Yet, I do not believe he is the future of the country or that he has the citizens' best interests in mind.

[freakyfreaky]

Then Russian PM visits genocide memorial and, afterwards, Karekin II in Echmiadzin.

http://www.itar-tass.com/eng/level2....9428&PageNum=0

http://news.yahoo.com/nphotos/slides...sb13202061649/

Do you know during the Soviet Era, some Armenians feared that Echmiadzin was sympathetic to the KGB and keeping tabs on Armenian citizens for Moscow?

[Artsakh]

Fighting for History: Andranik artifacts secured for Armenian museum
By Marianna Grigoryan
ArmeniaNow reporter


The Minister of Defense with the weapon of a hero

The sword of Armenian hero General Andranik has come to Armenia to rest. Or maybe to fulfill the honored warrior’s words that:

“Where there is struggle against violence, my sword is there.”

On Wednesday, Defense Minister and Secretary of the National Security Council Serzh Sargsyan handed Andranik’s sword and decorations to the History Museum of Armenia.

“The fund of Andranik has become richer,” History Museum Director Anelka Grigoryan said, thanking the minister.

Andranik’s sword and six orders found their honorable place in the museum.

“A French citizen of Armenian descent turned to me and said that one British citizen wanted to sell Andranik’s sword and his combat decorations,” Sargsyan said at the museum. “Naturally, I could not remain indifferent, I reported to the president of the republic, got his approval and as you see, these relics are in Armenia today.”

General Andranik (Andranik Ozanyan, 1865-1927) is one of the symbols of the Armenian liberation movement. Andranik was the Armenian “fidayapet” (leader of freedom fighters), military commander and national hero.

Sargsyan said that the General had six awards, which along with the certificate found their place in the history museum.

Andranik’s Order of the Knight of the Honorable Legion, the 4th degree Order of Saint Vladimir, the first degree Order of Saint Gregory the Illuminator, the 3rd degree Order of Saint Stanislav, the 2nd degree Georgy Cross, the 2nd degree Battle Cross and the sword, according to Grigoryan, had passed an expert examination for authenticity, confirming that they belong to the General.

“The relics of our great compatriots must find their last harbor in Armenia. If they are items, they must be kept here. After all, we must gather the most sacred items in one place,” Sargsyan said.

The general
The minister did not elaborate on the cost of the “sacred relics”, however he said that the sword and decorations were purchased with extra-budget funds, and not with the help of private sources.

“I think that Andranik deserves that it be done with state funds, otherwise I think there will be found at least 50 people who would want to do it by themselves,” Sargsyan said.

To the question whether handing over “sacred relics” to the museum in a solemn ceremony could be viewed as part of the pre-election campaign, the minister said:

“I am not concerned with that, but I think that my step will be assessed exactly that way. But we are doing our job and those who say spiteful things are doing theirs,” Sargsyan said. “If someone thinks that I have been specially searching for Andranik’s rewards all over the world to use them as part of my campaign, I leave it to their conscience. It is very possible in terms of imagination, but sometimes such people also may feel pangs of conscience.”

[Armenian]

Armenian scenario

On February 19, a head of state will be elected in what is for us a friendly and very important country. The elections in Armenia are very similar to those Russia will hold in March. The successor of the current president will run for the top position; he is being opposed by representatives of the former government, and his long standing opponents. As in Russia, the current government's nominee - Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian - has every chance of success. As in Russia, the popularity of the current government in Armenia rests on economic success. When Robert Kocharian's team came to power ten years ago Armenia was in a desperate position. It had suffered several years of economic dislocation, absence of electricity and heating. Today, Armenia, a country with no energy resources or any other tangible natural resources, has one of the world's most dynamic economies. Its economy grew by 13.6% last year, one of the fastest rates in the world.

But statistics as such are of little interest to the voters. What matters for them is how those statistics reflect their well-being. During the past year, average incomes increased by 24.7%, while inflation did not exceed the Russian old dream rate of 6%. Last year's parliamentary elections testified to serious public support for the current government. The ruling Republican Party, led by Sarkisian, together with its ally and rival Prosperous Armenia, headed by Gagik Tsarukian, received more than half of all votes and two thirds of seats in parliament. Now this alliance has shored up its power even further - at the presidential elections Tsarukian will support Sarkisian. This partnership is as hard hitting as that between Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev in Russia. The latest polls give Sarkisian 47.5% of all votes, which are likely to guarantee his victory in the first round.

Today, Yerevan looks like an enormous construction site. The prime minister and his political consultants do not have to ponder over election scenarios - Sarkisian is travelling all around the country, and telling his compatriots about ambitious plans for spreading the gas network, road and house construction, and the eradication of poverty. He does not need a detailed program, and has drafted a short document on the consolidation of statehood and promotion of the principles of justice. Sarkisian cannot be accused of weakness or lack of experience - before heading the government, he served in various positions in security-related ministries, and his name is associated with military victories in Karabakh. Relations with Russia and the West are a big part of the election campaign. It is hard to notice anti-Russian attitudes in Armenia - Russia is associated with hope and support. But the same is true of anti-Western sentiment, which is only natural considering the existence of the influential Armenian Diaspora countries such as the United States and France. Sarkisian has a well-deserved reputation of a pro-Russian politician. He has known Putin for a long time, since he worked in CIS security-related agencies. But he is quite open to cooperation with the West, which practically eliminates the possibility of a foreign country conducting a large-scale campaign against him, as has sometimes happened in post-Soviet republics.

In this position it will be difficult not to win. No opposition candidate stands a chance, unless the government makes the mistake of paying too much attention to them. For the time being, the most prominent rival is the recent Speaker of Parliament and close associate of the current leader Artur Bagdasarian, who the polls put in second place with 13.4% of votes. He has suddenly turned into a vociferously pro-western critic of the regime. An active participant in every recent campaign, the leader of the National Unity Party, Artashes Gegamian, is in fourth place with a rating of 4.7%. Ex-Prime Minister Vazgen Manukian, and the leader of the historical Dashnak Party Vice-Speaker of Parliament Vaan Ovannesian are well known in the country. But the biggest sensation was the decision of the first Armenian President Levon Ter-Petrosian to run for the presidency. It has given not quite understandable hope to many opponents of the current government to defeat it. It is comparable to Mikhail Gorbachev running in the election race in Russia (he ran for the presidency in 1996 but with no success).

Ter-Petrosian is trying to prove the unprovable - that he was a more successful leader than Kocharian and Sarkisian. But his compatriots have not forgotten the first half of the 1990s. Moreover, Ter-Petrosian had to resign when under Western pressure he displayed readiness to make tangible concessions on Karabakh and relations with Turkey. Such conduct is not forgiven in Armenia. It will be difficult for him to prove his good attitude to Russia. It was he who shut down all the Russian schools in the country. Half of the voters will not support him under any circumstances, and he can hardly hope for more than third place and 7% of votes.

Could the consolidation of the opposition change the situation before the elections? It seems unlikely, primarily because none of the opposition leaders is accepted by the others. Ter-Petrosian, who is the loudest in claiming the leadership of the opposition, is also the most resented by the others. Sarkisian's opponents will not form a political alliance. The West is not likely to support an oppositionist, either. Moreover, now that international observers have, with a few reservations, declared the elections in neighboring Georgia quite legitimate, they will find it rather difficult to give the Armenian elections a lower rating for fear of looking ridiculous. Unlike in Georgia, the elections in Armenia are being held according to schedule; TV channels have not been shut down; opposition supporters are not behind bars or in exile, nor under criminal investigation. International monitoring will be very serious - almost 300 observers in 1,923 constituencies.

Russia would like to see Armenia a stable and dynamically developing country with a responsible government oriented towards constructive relations with it. Strategically, Sarkisian's nomination suits Moscow, which has given him support at the top level. It would be appropriate to take steps that would demonstrate our readiness to render Armenia substantial economic assistance. Regrettably, the pro-Russian forces in Armenia have been recently weakened by Moscow's decision to increase prices on gas exports. Considering our financial capabilities Russia should list Armenia as a priority recipient of its direct foreign aid. The main thing is not to overdo with the public demonstration of our support. The United States has been giving tangible assistance to Armenia for a long time. Our policymakers should consider the role Armenia could play in building relations with Georgia. For Armenia, which is under transport blockade, transit via Georgia is a lifeline. The more tense Russian-Georgian relations are, the more this lifeline is threatened.

Source: http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20080207/98622236.html

[Armenian]

Vahan Hovannisian, perhaps the best presidential candidate we have in the Armenian Republic today:

Dashnaks Rally Thousands In Yerevan

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun) rallied thousands of people in Yerevan on Friday to shore up voter support for its presidential candidate Vahan Hovannisian and urge Armenians to reject their current and former leaders. Hovannisian, joined by other Dashnaktsutyun leaders, again sought to present himself as a viable alternative to the two mutually hostile camps that have taken the center stage in the Armenian presidential race. He also deplored a weak rule of law and a perceived lack of democracy in Armenia and pledged to “restore constitutional order” if elected president.

“The existing unjust and unfree situation allows the former authorities hiding their sins with that injustice to try to again play with the feelings of our people and base their election campaign on hatred,” Hovannisian, attacking former President Levon Ter-Petrosian and his allies. “They are being met with the same hatred,” he said, referring to the country’s present leadership. “The behavior of the current authorities, which is the other extreme, contains the same hatred.” “Hatred is a sign of weakness. An extremist is always weak,” he added in front of flag-waving supporters who gathered in Yerevan’s Liberty Square. Many of them were bused from outside the capital. Criticism of Ter-Petrosian and Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian was also the central theme of speeches by other top leaders of the nationalist party represented in Armenia’s current government. “We must say no to both the former and current rulers,” said Armen Rustamian, Hovannisian’s campaign manager.

“The former and current rulers, you are the reason for this reality,” agreed Hrant Markarian, the de facto head of Dashnaktsutyun’s worldwide governing Bureau. “On economic issues, on social relations, on the issues of democracy, fair elections and justice they are the same,” he told the crowd. “The people are their victims.” Campaigning in the southern Armavir region on Monday, Hovannisian complained that many Armenians view the upcoming presidential election as a two-horse race between Sarkisian and Ter-Petrosian and could therefore ignore other candidates opposed to both rival camps. He and other Dashnaktsutyun leaders had earlier dismissed suggestions that the ex-president, who had controversially banned their party while in power, is Sarkisian’s main election challenger.

Addressing the rally, Gegham Manukian, another prominent Dashnaktsutyun figure, dismissed as fraudulent government-commissioned opinion polls which show Sarkisian having a huge lead over other candidates, including Hovannisian. “With such artificial figures, they aim to ensure their artificial election,” Manukian said in an apparent reference to the Sarkisian camp. Markarian also apparently had the prime minister in mind when he spoke of unnamed election players relying on the “state machine” and underworld figures. The Dashnaktsutyun leaders also expressed their discontent with the broader state of affairs in Armenia, criticizing a government which they have supported over the past decade and in which they are currently represented by three ministers. “Seemingly, the country is developing,” said Hovannisian. “Seemingly the country is moving forward. In reality, there is stagnation.

“Seemingly, there is a development of democracy. A democracy with all its external signs: a parliament, elections, numerous parties, roundtables and conferences of non-governmental organizations, exit polls, opinion polls. In reality, there is an unfree and unjust atmosphere. In reality, our economic development, which is obvious, has nothing in common with ordinary people.” “The country’s leaders and ordinary people live in two different worlds that are unrelated to each other,” added the Dashnaktsutyun candidate. In Rustamian’s words, the Armenian authorities are primarily motivated their “reproduction” and neglect the needs and problems of ordinary people. He said only Dashnaktsutyun can simultaneously effect “radical changes” and avert “upheavals” in the country.

Source: http://www.armenialiberty.org/armeni...8305E65CEA.ASP