The Struggle in Javakhk

[Vrej1915]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

1918 թ. հայ-վրացական պատերազմը. Նյութեր և փաստաթղթեր
Lragir.am
15 Հոկտեմբերի 2014,


Լույս է տեսել Վլադիմիր Հարությունյանի «1918 թ. հայ-վրացական պատերազմը. նյութեր և փաստաթղթեր» գիրքը, որի շնորհանդեսը տեղի ունեցավ այսօր Մոդուս Վիվենդի կենտրոնում: Գրքում հավաքված են հայ-վրացական պատերազմի վերաբերյալ պատմական փաստաթղթեր, որոնք, ըստ հեղինակի, յուրահատուկ փաստեր են: Վլադիմիր Հարությունյանն այս հրատարակությունը կարևորում է նրանով, որ սա պատմական դեպքերի և անձերի գործունեության յուրահատուկ լյուստրացիա է:

Փաստաթղթերը Վլադիմիր Հարությունյանը թարգմանել է ռուսերենից: Գրքում ներկայացված են փաստաթղթերի ռուսերեն բնագրի պատճենն ու դրանց հայերեն թարգմանությունները: «Պարզապես բերված են փաստաթղթեր, որից ընթերցողը կարող է եզրակացություն անել: Այդ փաստաթղթերը վկայում են, որ իրոք անիմաստ են այն խոսակցությունները, թե գնացել էինք, Թիֆլիսն արդեն չոքեցրել էինք, կամ էլ վրացիներն ասում են, թե իբր հայկական բանակը ջախջախել էին, մինչև Երևան ճանապարհը բաց էր, ոչ մի հայ զինվոր չկար, և եթե անգլիացիները չլինեին, Երևանը չոքած էր»,- գրքի շնորհանդեսի ժամանակ ասաց հեղինակը:

Վլադիմիր Հարությունյանն ասում է, որ այս գրքում իր համար կարևոր բացահայտումն այն էր, որ Հայաստանի համար դժվարին այդ օրերին ռուսական զինված ուժերը չեն հապաղել ծավալել իրենց հետախուզական գործունեությունը:

«Այսինքն՝ կայսերական նրանց մտածելակերպը, իրենց ազգային շահերը հետապնդելը ոչ մի պահ չի դադարել: Հայաստանի համար այդ դժվար պահին հենց այդ նույն ռուսական ուժերն իրենց ղեկավարությանն առաջարկություն են արել, որ օգտվելով առիթից՝ նորից Բաթումը գրավեն, Կարսը գրավեն: Բացարձակ խոսք չի գնացել այն մասին, որ Կարսի մարզը արդեն պետք է, որ Հայաստանին միացվեր: Նրանք նույնիսկ այդ պահին Հայաստանի հաշվին ցանկացել են իրենց շահերն առաջ տանել»,- նշեց Վլադիմիր Հարությունյանը:

Հեղինակը զերծ է մնացել գրքում կարծիքներ հայտնելուց: «Ամենախոսունը դա կարծիքը չէ, փաստաթղթերն են: Հեղինակը կարող է շատ գեղեցիկ մտքեր ասել, բայց այսօրվա իրավիճակում փորձը ցույց է տալիս, որ մեզ մոտ հիմնավորված կարծքիներ շատ քիչ են հնչում: Դրա համար ես զերծ եմ մնացել կարծիք հայտնելուց, շատ փոքր ներածական եմ գրել, իսկ ընթերցողն այդ փաստաթղթերի հիման վրա թող եզրակացություն ու կարծիք կազմի»,- ասաց նա:
Նշենք, որ գիրքը լույս է ընծայվել Մոդուս Վիվենդի կենտրոնի հետ համագործակցության արդյուքնում:

- See more at: http://www.lragir.am/index/arm/0/soc....c4AedjNu.dpuf

[Federate]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

New strategy or provocation?: Russian analyst’s article on “straight way” to Armenia via Georgia stirs controversy



In Russia they start voicing plans for the “opening” of a straight way to Armenia via Georgia. In particular, this is what deputy director of the Center of Strategic Situations Mikhail Chernov wrote in his article on the Russian lenta.ru portal. His article was taken as a provocation and probing of sentiments, still it caused a sharp reaction both in Armenia and Georgia.

The essence of the article by Chernova is that the military-strategic treaties between Russia, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which are being prepared for signing, may become prerequisites for Russia’s reaching the border with Armenia. Now the only overland route from Russia to Armenia lies through Georgia, and it is almost an insurmountable obstacle for the integration of Armenia into the “neo-Soviet” space.

The texts of the treaties are already in the Russian State Duma, and, according to Chernov, “the institution of bilateral treaties may become a new tool of Russian foreign policy allowing Russia to meet its objectives in the South Caucasus without unnecessary complications in international relations.”

“Russia has two such basic tasks in the region and they are closely related to each other. The first one is to prevent the creation of NATO military infrastructure in Georgia. The second objective is to ensure a reliable direct transport link with Armenia,” the Russian expert says. Besides, control of the Russian Federation over transport communications will provide full functioning of the Russian military base in Armenia.

The mechanism has also been devised. It turns out that on October 31 Vladikavkaz, the capital of Russia’s republic of North Ossetia hosted a congress of the International Public Movement called “The Supreme Council of the Ossetians”, which was also attended by former president of South Ossetia Eduard Kokoity. He raised the question of Trusovsky gorges and Kobin hollow being part of Ossetia. Presence in Kazbegi region will make it possible to control a small section of the strategically important Georgian Military Highway – the shortest route from Russia to Armenia.

“At the same time, Russia is more interested in the development of the Trans-Caucasian Highway. The ‘western’ route to Armenia passes through the Gori district, bypasses Trialet Ossetia, where a considerable number of Ossetians lived before the early 1990s, as well as the Armenian-populated Samtskhe-Javakheti region,” Chernov writes.

He hopes that if by some chance in Georgia on the basis of the current political crisis Maidan-like events start, Russia may introduce troops into Georgia for the “protection” of Ossetians and thus open up its route towards Armenia.

In an interview with Newspost former defense minister of Georgia Dimitri Shashkin said: “Alarm should be sounded over the document relating to the Tskhinvali region, which officially entered the [Russian State] Duma. Russian experts have already started openly speaking about the threat that concerns Russia’s big desire to create a direct link with its base in Gyumri (Armenia).”
According to Shashkin, on the basis of treaties being prepared with Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Russia is openly stating that it will protect them against Georgians.

“[Russian] protection of Georgian regions is another new challenge. It turns out that if about a hundred people are paid for setting up a group of provocateurs, they [Russians] may invade Kakheti in order to protect the local population. A hundred provocateurs can be found easily,” Shashkin said.

No official reaction to these statements have yet been made in Armenia, Georgia and Russia, however, at the level of experts there are opinions that such provocations can sow discord between Georgians and Armenians. Former Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Alasania, who stepped down recently, has repeatedly stated that the Russian base in Armenia is a threat for Georgia. It is these threats that do not allow Georgia and Armenia to establish mutually beneficial relations.

http://armenianow.com/commentary/analysis/58344/armenia_georgia_communications_roads_abkhazia_south_ossetia

[Haykakan]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

"Former Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Alasania, who stepped down recently, has repeatedly stated that the Russian base in Armenia is a threat for Georgia."
Hmm i wonder why this minister never uttered a peep as Georgia was signing deals with the turks right and left regarding Armenias security? What goes around..comes around.

[Mher]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

Javakhk Armenians Eagerly Await Their Piece of the Georgian Dream
By Varant Meguerditchian on January 7, 2015 in Featured, Headline, Opinion // 1 Comment // Email // Print
click for more

The Georgian Dream Party (GDP) dramatically came to power in 2012 on the back of a popular message. The GDP claimed that Mikhail Saakashvili’s United National Movement (UNM) had become authoritarian and lost touch with the people. The message was strong: The government will deliver for the people of Georgia. This was the “Georgian Dream.”
The Armenian Youth Center of Akhalkalak

The Armenian Youth Center of Akhalkalak

The dramatic takeover of the government started with the election of Georgia Dream’s Bidzina Ivanishvili as prime minister in October 2012. A year later, Ivanishvili’s former education minister, Giorgi Margvelashvili, replaced Saakashvili in the largely ceremonial role of president. Soon after, Ivanishvili fulfilled his election promise to voluntarily step aside, naming his long-time Georgia Dream associate Irakli Garibashvili as the new prime minister of Georgia.

The GDP’s hold on all major Georgian government posts was complete by December 2013. Twelve months on, the Armenians of Javakhk are still eagerly awaiting their piece of the Georgian Dream.

Challenging economic conditions encountered by Javakhk Armenians over the course of a number of years led many to attain Armenian citizenship and travel to Russia to seek employment. As Georgia’s legislation restricts dual citizenship, these Javakhk Armenians were not permitted to retain their Georgian citizenship.

Now, due to new Georgian government visa laws, these natives of Javakhk must attain a visa to return home for stays over 90 days. The visa process is cumbersome and the need to “verify possessing of sufficient funds,” as outlined in the visa requirements, has proven to be difficult for many. For fathers and brothers who have been forced to leave for work, the visa requirements are posing a serious impediment to reuniting with their families in Javakhk.

In October 2014, an Armenian parliamentary delegation led by National Assembly Speaker Galust Sahakyan made representations to the Georgian government on behalf of the Armenians of Javakhk concerning these travel impediments. Upon its return, the delegation noted that promises had been made by the Georgian government to address the issue. Despite these promises, a timely resolution has not been forthcoming, and Javakhk Armenians are still being kept away from their families.

Promises made by President Margvelashvili while serving as education minister to improve education conditions for Javakhk Armenians are also still pending. Despite numerous requests from teachers and students to educate in and learn their native language, the government remains determined to make Georgian the principal language of instruction in schools.

Acceptance of Armenian as an official regional language would ultimately resolve the issue of learning rights and allow for more effective interaction between Javakhk Armenians and regional government institutions. But there seems to be little hope that Armenian will be elevated to an official language of Javakhk in the near future.

Ivanishvili’s pledge to fund a historical commission to resolve disputes of church ownership between the Armenian Apostolic Church and Georgian Orthodox Church has also not materialized. During his first visit to the Republic of Armenia, the former prime minister and leader of the GDP had committed to funding the research, but the investigation has not yet commenced. As a result, a number of these churches still remain in the possession of Georgian Orthodox Church authorities.

In the absence of good governance for the Armenians of Javakhk, a number of NGOs have been filling the void. These NGOs have been doing their best to serve the cultural, educational, and at times economic needs of Javakhk Armenians.

Earlier this year, the Support to Javakhk Fund was founded by seven prominent Javakhk Armenians with the aim of implementing projects devoted to the socioeconomic development of the Armenian-populated regions of Javakhk and Tsalka.

The fund supports families with multiple children, providing one-off grants of 1,000 GEL (approximately 550 USD) for the birth of a third child, 1,500 GEL (approximately 830 USD) for a fourth, and 2,000 GEL (approximately 1,100 USD) for a fifth. According to the program coordinators, more than 40,000 USD has already been disbursed to Javakhk families under this program.

Another program implemented by the fund includes gifting a cow to Javakhk villagers with the expectation that the cow will bare a calf that is later returned to the fund and accepted as payment for the cow. The program has been effective in improving the conditions of many villagers in Javakhk.

The website www.jah.am details the social, health-related, cultural, and community programs currently run by the Support to Javakhk Fund.

The Armenian Relief Society (ARS) is also undertaking important work in Javakhk. The organization recently celebrated the seventh anniversary of the establishment of its youth center in Akhalkalak. Some 400 young Armenian youth participated in programs run by the Akhalkalak youth center.

The ARS has established a number of such youth centers throughout Javakhk. The most recently established center was officially opened in the border town of Ninotzminda in September 2014. The ARS centers serve to strengthen and enrich the knowledge of the youth of Javakhk, providing locals with the opportunity to learn Armenian history and become immersed in Armenian culture.

Just as with every new government, the GDP government of Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili is entitled to a grace period—time to settle into government, prioritize objectives, and implement policies to deliver for the people. For the GDP government, that grace period is nearing its end.

Where the needs of the people of Javakhk sit on the GDP’s list of political priorities is uncertain. But many remain hopeful that the GDP’s open and honest communication and promises will deliver better conditions for the people of Javakhk.

While NGOs and their supporters work tirelessly to deliver their programs, the people of Javakhk wait patiently with the expectation that in the new year, the Georgian government will finally give them their piece of the “Georgian Dream.”

http://armenianweekly.com/2015/01/07/javakhk-armenians-eagerly-await-piece-georgian-dream/

[Artsakh]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

Russia's next acquisition

If Russia wanted to exploit the situation in Georgia's Samtskhe-Javakheti province, there's no better time than now.

It is no secret that Russia views the South Caucasus as being in its natural sphere of influence. In light of Russia's annexation of Crimea, and on the back of Moscow's recent treaties with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Georgians have legitimate reasons to believe that Russian activity in their country will only increase in 2015.

Consequently, many are keeping a close eye on the Georgian province of Samtskhe-Javakheti - a majority ethnically Armenian region located just three hours' drive from the nation's capital city of Tbilisi.

Causing instability in Samtskhe-Javakheti would achieve two goals for Moscow.

First, it would further dismember the territorial integrity of Georgia. The Georgian provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia are already under Russian occupation. By some accounts they are closer than ever to being annexed by Moscow. An independent Samtskhe-Javakheti, or one under Russian influence, would divide Georgia down the middle.

A perfect storm

Armenian separatism in Samtskhe-Javakheti might not be as vocal as it was only a few years ago; but there is still a fear that Moscow could easily reenergise separatist movements in the region.

Secondly, and more importantly for Russia, bringing the region under Moscow's influence would make a land corridor between Russia and Armenia, via South Ossetia, one step closer. This is important because Russia maintains a sizeable military presence in Armenia. The bulk of the Russian force is based in the city of Gyumri and consists of approximately 5,000 soldiers and dozens of fighter planes and attack helicopters.

Russia has long had the difficult challenge of supplying these forces, especially since Georgia and Turkey refuse transit rights. This has left a reliance on Iran, which for obvious reasons, is not ideal for Russia.

It is not only for Russia that Samtskhe-Javakheti is strategically important, but also for Europe.

The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and the South Caucasus Pipeline, carrying oil and gas respectively from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean Sea, passes through the province.

As the possibility of more Central Asian oil and gas finding its way to Europe becomes likely, these pipelines bypassing Russia will become a vital part of Europe's energy security.

In addition, the Kars-Tbilisi-Baku railway, which is due to open later this year, passes through Samtskhe-Javakheti. It is expected that this rail line will eventually transport 3 million passengers and over 15 million tons of freight each year.

There is a perfect storm brewing in the region and if Russia wanted to exploit the situation in Samtskhe-Javakheti it could not ask for better timing than now.

Russian sympathies

First is the fact that many Javakheti Armenians have Russian sympathies. Until its closure in 2007, the Russian military base there was the single biggest source of employment. It has also been reportedthat Moscow is issuing Russian passports to ethnic Armenians living in the region.

This in itself is telling; Russia issued passports to Abkhazians and South Ossetians just before its 2008 invasion of Georgia and also issued passports to Crimeans ahead of the annexation of Crimea last year.



But Russia is only part of the problem. Many of the grievances Javakheti Armenians have are a result of poor policy making by the central government in Tbilisi.

Many Javakheti Armenians feel that their culture and language are discriminated against. There has been a decrease in the quality of education among the Javakheti Armenian population.

The bilingual education program of teaching in both Georgian and Armenian has been described as a "total failure" because there are not enough qualified teachers with proficiency in both languages.

Unemployment is high in Samtskhe-Javakheti and future economic prospects in the region look bleak. Many Javakheti Armenians travel to Russia or Armenia for work.

Economy strained

Thanks to the drop in the value of the Russian ruble - almost one-third of its value in the past year - remittances have also decreased. The unusually harsh winter in the region is placing a further strain on economic activity.

Then there is the issue of citizenship and immigration. Many Javakheti Armenians do not have Georgian citizenship. Instead, many hold Armenian passports because finding seasonal work in Armenia and Russia is easier this way.

Until recently, Armenian citizens were allowed to live and work inside Georgia without any special authorisation as long as they crossed the border back into Armenia at least once a year.

Last September this changed. Now Javakheti Armenians without Georgian citizenship can only stay in Georgia for three months at a time. Longer term residency permits are costly.

These policies breed animosity and form a perfect storm that could easily be exploited by Russia.

It does not have to be this way. Sensible policies can be pursued by Tbilisi to address the legitimate grievances of the Javakheti Armenians. The West can make it clear to Russia that further meddling in Georgia's domestic affairs could lead to additional sanctions.

The last thing the South Caucasus needs is another sectarian conflict.

Luke Coffey is a research fellow specialising in transatlantic and Eurasian security at a Washington DC based think tank. He previously served as a special adviser to the British defence secretary and was a commissioned officer in the United States army.




The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2015/01/russia-caucasus-georgia-armeni-2015114111654383153.html

[Haykakan]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

"PASSPORT DIFFICULTIES" OF JAVAKHETI ARMENIANS TURN INTO POLITICAL PROBLEM

Vestnik Kavkaza, Russia
Feb 11 2015

11 February 2015 - 1:40pm

Giorgi Kalatozishvili, Tbilisi. Exclusively for Vestnik Kavkaza

Hundreds of residents of the southern Georgian region of Javakheti
where the majority of the population are Armenians have received
notification from the Georgian authorities that they have been deprived
of Georgian citizenship. The reason for this was their second (Armenian
or Russian) citizenship. Georgian laws forbid two citizenships. The
only exception is when Georgian citizenship is issued to a foreigner
for special services to the country, by presidential order.

The problem worsened after Georgia and the EU signed the association
agreement. Before Mikhail Saakashvili came to power, the situation in
Javakheti was completely different. Firstly, a big Russian military
base had been situated in Akhalkalaki. The majority of contract
soldiers, including company officers and service staff, were local
Armenians. Of course they had Russian citizenship, and maintained
their passports after the withdrawal of the Russian military base
from Akhalkalaki.

Secondly, the border between Georgia and Armenia wasn't controlled or
was controlled formally until the mid 2000s. Local residents could
cross the border freely, showing any kind of passport or ID. Border
guards had no data base to check passports which were shown at a
check point. Moreover, border guards and customs servicemen were also
local residents.

When Mikhail Saakashvili came to power, the new administration began
to act according to the principle "friendship is good, but border
guard control is a different thing." Local customers and border guards
were replaced by staff sent from the center. This led to protests,
people began to speak about ethnic discrimination, even though the
authorities simply wanted to provide real control over the border.

Saakashvili and his team knew well that the majority of local residents
had two citizenships, but they ignored the fact.

Suddenly a factor played its role. In the mid 2000s, Moscow (after
a controversy over the arrest of four Russian officers in Georgia,
who were accused of espionage) launched an economic embargo on almost
all goods made in Georgia. Ahead of this, Russia launched a visa
regime for Georgian citizens, including Javakheti residents. However,
a peculiarity of the region was that almost the entire male population
of the mountainous territory with a severe climate had been going to
Russia for seasonal work since Soviet times. They couldn't enter Russia
with Georgian passports, and getting Armenian citizenship became a
massive practice - Armenian citizens didn't need visas to visit Russia.

The situation became worse when Georgia started negotiations about a
visa-free regime with the EU, and Brussels demanded strict regulation
of all visa issues and unification of Georgian legislation with EU
legislation on the issue. The Georgian parliament adopted amendments
to the laws. As a result, the process of issuing a residence permit
and long-term visas to foreigners became more complicated. The border
control was toughened as well. People who had two passports were
easily detected and deprived of Georgian citizenship automatically.

Many ethnic Georgians who were tired of unemployment wanted to get
a second passport secretly to go to Russia to work. However, unlike
Javakheti Armenians, they had no neighboring country which would
issue them passports, according to an ethnic principle.

In any case, a serious problem is growing in one of Georgia's regions:
hundreds (thousands prospectively) of residents are deprived of
Georgian citizenship. Theoretically, they can be issued a residence
permit, but they will have to go through a complicated and long
process. A second way out is to get a Georgian visa. However,
according to the EU standards which now cover Georgia, a foreigner
can stay in Georgia no more than 90 days during a year. Every three
months Javakheti Armenians would have to move to Yerevan, be issued
a Georgian visa, and come back to Georgia.

The absence of Georgian documents leads to serious problems: local
Armenians have intensive trade relations with other Georgian regions,
and they need licenses, waybills, accounts in a bank, they should
pay taxes; problems with property registration appear.

One solution to the problem is obvious: they should reject foreign
citizenship and become Georgian citizens again. However, first of all,
this is also a very difficult process; and secondly, the reasons for
getting Armenian passports won't disappear. The problem is growing. In
the last 20 years almost all the residents of Javakheti have obtained
Armenian citizenship. The situation may turn into mass protests by
the local population and lead to unexpected consequences.

http://vestnikkavkaza.net/analysis/politics/66147.html

[Mher]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

"PASSPORT DIFFICULTIES" OF JAVAKHETI ARMENIANS TURN INTO POLITICAL PROBLEM

Georgia continuing a policy of creating a conflict where no conflict existed, simply out of their insecurities. If they just stopped abusing this population, no one would ever bother to even consider thinking about separatism.

[Federate]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

Special forces to be deployed in Armenian-populated region of Georgia
18:04, 18.03.2015

The Prime Minister of Georgia, Irakli Garibashvili, has opened an Internal Affairs Ministry special assignments regional department in Aspindza village of Javakhk—Georgian name: Javakheti, which is a predominantly-Armenian-populated part of Georgia’s southeastern Samtskhe-Javakheti Province.

Gruzia Online news agency of Georgia reported the aforesaid citing Pirveli.

The PM stated that in this case, the responsibility for making unlawful decisions will fall upon the command unit that gives instructions.

http://news.am/eng/news/257634.html

[Eddo211]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

Special Forces??? what the hell for, what are they scared off. Tie eating puppet kissing Turkish butt.

[Vrej1915]

Re: The Struggle in Javakhk

Վարդան Այվազյանին, թե գյուղացիներին. ո՞ւմ կտրվի Սամցխե-Ջավախքի լճում ձուկ որսալու իրավունքը
Քրիստինե Աղալարյան

http://hetq.am/arm/news/61428/vardan-ayvazyanin-te-gyuxacinerin-um-ktrvi-samckhe-javakhqi-ltchum-dzuk-orsalu-iravunqy.html

10 հուլիսի, 2015
Հուլիսի 28-ին պարզ կդառնա, թե Սամցխե-Ջավախքի Տաբածղուր գյուղի բնակիչների պայքարն ըննդեմ ՀՀ ԱԺ պատգամավոր Վարդան Այվազյանի ինչպիսի հանգուցալուծում կստանա: Թբիլիսիի քաղաքային դատարանն այդ օրը կհրապարակի Վարդան Այվազյանի հիմնադրած «Լճեր» ՍՊԸ-ի դեմ Տաբածղուրի գյուղացիների հայցով վճիռը:

Հուլիսի 8-ին գործով վերջինն նիստն է տեղի ունեցել: Այն տևել է մոտ 30 րոպե: Դատական նիստին ներկա Տաբածղուր գյուղի բնակիչ Աշոտը «Հետքին» պատմեցին, որ չնայած «Լճեր» ՍՊԸ-ի ներկայացուցիչների պնդմանը, որ Տաբածղուր լիճը լցված խեցգետինները չեն կարող մանրաձուկ ուտել, այլ ընդամենը սանիտարական ֆունկցիա են կատարում, գյուղացիները դատարանին են ներկայացրել միջազգային փորձագետի կարծիքն առ այն, որ խեցգտինները ոչնչացնում են մանրաձուկը: Հետևաբար, Վարդան Այվազյանի նախաձեռնությամբ Հայաստանից Տաբածղուր լիճը լցված խեցգետինների պատճառով է, որ ձկան ծավալները լճում էականորեն նվազել են: Դատավորը, սակայն, փորձագետի եզրակացությունը գործին չի կցել՝ պատճառաբանելով, որ այն ուշացած է, և ինքն արդեն պատրաստվում է վճիռը հրապարակել:

«Իրենց փաստաբանն ասաց, որ իբր մենք ուզում ենք թալանել լիճը, բայց եթե մենք նման բան ուզենայինք, մենք դատի չէին տա, մենք արգելք չէինք դնի լճին, մենք օրենքով ենք ուզում գործել և լճում ձուկ որսալու իրավունք ստանալ»,-ասաց գյուղացին:

Դատավորի պահվածքից տաբածղուրեցիները կասկածում են, որ Վարդան Այվազյանն արդեն իր ծանոթություններով միջամտել է գործին, այլապես դատարանը չէր մերժի փաստաթուղթը գործին կցելու իրենց միջնորդությունը:

Հիշեցնենք՝ ՀՀ Ազգային ժողովի պատգամավոր Վարդան Այվազյանի համագյուղացիները՝ Սամցխե-Ջավախքի Բորժոմի շրջանի Տաբածղուր գյուղի բնակիչները, դատի են տվել պատգամավորի ընկերությանը: Նրանք պահանջում են անվավեր ճանաչել և դադարեցնել Տաբածղուր լճում ձկնորսությամբ զբաղվելու Վարդան Այվազյանի հիմնադրած «Լճեր» (შპს "ტბები" ) ընկերության արտոնագիրը և իրենց տրամադրել Տաբածղուր լձում ձուկ որսալու առաջնային իրավունքը:

Եթե հուլիսի 28-ին Թբիլիսիի քաղաքային դատարանը չբավարարի գյուղացիների պահանջը, նրանք բողոքարկելու են վճիռը վերադաս ատյանում և մտադիր են, ինչպես իրենք են ասում, գնալ մինչև վերջ: