Re: Western Armenians
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You agree, through your use of this service, that you will not use this forum to post any material which is:
- abusive
- vulgar
- hateful
- harassing
- personal attacks
- obscene
You also may not:
- post images that are too large (max is 500*500px)
- post any copyrighted material unless the copyright is owned by you or cited properly.
- post in UPPER CASE, which is considered yelling
- post messages which insult the Armenians, Armenian culture, traditions, etc
- post racist or other intentionally insensitive material that insults or attacks another culture (including Turks)
The Ankap thread is excluded from the strict rules because that place is more relaxed and you can vent and engage in light insults and humor. Notice it's not a blank ticket, but just a place to vent. If you go into the Ankap thread, you enter at your own risk of being clowned on.
What you PROBABLY SHOULD NOT post...
Do not post information that you will regret putting out in public. This site comes up on Google, is cached, and all of that, so be aware of that as you post. Do not ask the staff to go through and delete things that you regret making available on the web for all to see because we will not do it. Think before you post!
2] Use descriptive subject lines & research your post. This means use the SEARCH.
This reduces the chances of double-posting and it also makes it easier for people to see what they do/don't want to read. Using the search function will identify existing threads on the topic so we do not have multiple threads on the same topic.
3] Keep the focus.
Each forum has a focus on a certain topic. Questions outside the scope of a certain forum will either be moved to the appropriate forum, closed, or simply be deleted. Please post your topic in the most appropriate forum. Users that keep doing this will be warned, then banned.
4] Behave as you would in a public location.
This forum is no different than a public place. Behave yourself and act like a decent human being (i.e. be respectful). If you're unable to do so, you're not welcome here and will be made to leave.
5] Respect the authority of moderators/admins.
Public discussions of moderator/admin actions are not allowed on the forum. It is also prohibited to protest moderator actions in titles, avatars, and signatures. If you don't like something that a moderator did, PM or email the moderator and try your best to resolve the problem or difference in private.
6] Promotion of sites or products is not permitted.
Advertisements are not allowed in this venue. No blatant advertising or solicitations of or for business is prohibited.
This includes, but not limited to, personal resumes and links to products or
services with which the poster is affiliated, whether or not a fee is charged
for the product or service. Spamming, in which a user posts the same message repeatedly, is also prohibited.
7] We retain the right to remove any posts and/or Members for any reason, without prior notice.
- PLEASE READ -
Members are welcome to read posts and though we encourage your active participation in the forum, it is not required. If you do participate by posting, however, we expect that on the whole you contribute something to the forum. This means that the bulk of your posts should not be in "fun" threads (e.g. Ankap, Keep & Kill, This or That, etc.). Further, while occasionally it is appropriate to simply voice your agreement or approval, not all of your posts should be of this variety: "LOL Member213!" "I agree."
If it is evident that a member is simply posting for the sake of posting, they will be removed.
8] These Rules & Guidelines may be amended at any time. (last update September 17, 2009)
If you believe an individual is repeatedly breaking the rules, please report to admin/moderator.
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Re: Western Armenians
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Hidden Armenians in occupied Western Armenia.Last edited by Vrej1915; 07-20-2014, 02:38 PM.
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Re: Western Armenians
Թուրքիայի հայկական սուբէթնոսը. Ինչի՞ց են զգուշանում քրդերը
ԻԳՈՐ ՄՈՒՐԱԴՅԱՆ, Քաղաքագետ
Հինգշաբթի, 16 Հունվարի 2014,
Թուրքիայում ապրում է հայկական բազմաքանակ սուբէթնոս, որը Թուրքիան համարում է իր հայրենիքը եւ այդ երկրում քաղաքական, սոցիալական, տնտեսական գործընթացների ծավալման հետ է կապում իր ապագան: Այն բնակվում է Սվասից ու Դերսիմից մինչեւ Սիրիայի, Իրաքի ու Իրանի սահմանն ընկած ընդարձակ տարածքում, շատ շրջաններում կազմելով մեծամասնություն: Ընդ որում, հարկ է տարբերել հայերի որոշ խմբեր` ծպտյալ-հայեր, մուսուլման հայեր, ալավի հայեր, ինչպես նաեւ ձուլված հայեր:
Այս բնակչությունը բավական բարդ հարաբերություններ ունի քրդերի հետ: Մի դեպքում նրանք գործընկերներ են, մեկ այլ դեպքում գտնվում են ոչ բարեկամական հարաբերությունների մեջ: Այս հարաբերությունները շատ բանով կախված են ոչ միայն հողօգտագործման եւ տնտեսական այլ խնդիրներից, այլեւ քաղաքական հավակնություններից ու ձգտումներից, առաջին հերթին` քուրդ գործիչների:
Քրդական քաղաքական առաջատար կուսակցությունների ղեկավարները փորձում են պահպանել խաղի կանոնները, որոնք հաստատվել են Անատոլիայի տարբեր էթնիկ խմբերի միջեւ, այդ թվում հայկական սուբէթնոսի հետ: Լավ հայտնի է, որ կան հայերի ու քրդերի ոչ միայն մշտական հարաբերություններ, այլեւ որոշակի պայմանավորվածություններ, որոնք դիտարկվում են որոշակի իրադարձությունների կապակցությամբ:
Քաղաքական նախապատվությունների տեսակետից, Անատոլիայի հայերին կարելի է տարբերակել հետեւյալ կերպ. Նրանք, ովքեր գտնում են, որ Թուրքիան հետագայում չի կարող գոյություն ունենալ որպես ամբողջական պետություն եւ համերաշխ են քրդական շարժման հետ: Եւ նրանք, ովքեր սեփական ճակատագիրը կապում են Թուրքիայում ժողովրդավարության ու իրավունքների զարգացման հետ:
Ներկայում լավ հայտնի են քրդական քաղաքական այն կենտրոնների տրամադրություններն ու մտադրությունները, որոնք անթաքույց թշնամանք են տածում հայերի հանդեպ: Այս տրամադրությունների մոտիվներն ու գործոնները լավ հայտնի են, ինչպես նաեւ այն, թե հայկական խնդիրների կապակցությամբ ինչպիսի հարաբերություններ կան քրդական տարբեր խմբավորումների ու քաղաքական կազմակերպությունների միջեւ: Թուրքիայի հայկական սուբէթնոսի որոշակի խմբեր լավ տեղեկացված են այդ մասին եւ փորձում են վերահսկել տվյալ տրամադրություններն ու մտադրությունները:
Ներկայում այդ խմբերը համակարգում են իրենց հարաբերությունները, ինչը Թուրքիայի արեւելյան վիլայեթներում առաջացրել է քաղաքական նոր իրավիճակ, ինչին չեն կարող չարձագանքել քրդական քաղաքական կազմակերպությունները:
Իհարկե, թուրքական պետությունն ունի տարբեր էթնիկ խմբերի միջեւ անվստահություն ու թշնամանք հրահրելու բոլոր հնարավորությունները, եւ համապատասխան ծառայություններն անշուշտ մշակել են իրավիճակը կառավարելու հնարքներ: Սակայն կարելի է պնդել, որ քրդերի ու էթնիկ հայերի խմբերի միջեւ բարդությունները հիմնականում տեղի են ունենում քրդերի ազգային շարժման հիմնական հոսանքների` Քրդական բանվորական կուսակցության եւ Ժողովրդավարության ու խաղաղության կուսակցության միջեւ մրցակցության պատճառով:
Ինչպես հայտնի է, երկրորդ կուսակցությունը որոշակի փուլում անջատվել է Բանվորական կուսակցությունից, նրա հետ պահպանելով սերտ հարաբերություններ, իռլանդական լավ հայտնի կուսակցությունների սկզբունքով: Երկու կուսակցություններում էլ հայերը էական ներկայություն ունեն, եւ դա ազդում է որոշակի որոշումների վրա, եւ բանավեճն ընթանում է արմատականության չափի շուրջ: Դրա հետ մեկտեղ, առաջանում են անհատական բնույթի խնդիրներ, որոնցում հայերը նույնպես որոշ դեր ունեն:
Ներկայում քրդական ազգային շարժումը մշակում է տարբեր ռազմավարություններ, ինչը որոշակի շրջանակներում փորձարկելու կարիք է զգում, եւ այստեղ հայերն ավելի կարեւոր դեր են խաղում: Օրինակ, վեճեր են առաջացել Ադրբեջանի «քրդացման» ծրագրերի կապակցությամբ, ինչը քրդական շրջանակներում բազմաթիվ հարցեր է առաջացրել:
Ներկայում քրդական ազգային շարժումը, ընդհանրապես Արեւելյան Անատոլիայի բնակչությունը կանգնել է մեծ սպառնալիքի առջեւ, որը կապված է Թուրքիայի ժողովրդավարացման գործընթացի տապալման, տնտեսական ու սոցիալական իրավիճակի վատթարացման հետ:
Մեծ է հավանականությունը, որ Անկարայի քաղաքական որոշակի շրջանակներ կգերադասեն ուժի կիրառումն այդ վիլայեթներում, երկրում քաղաքական իրավիճակը փոխելու նպատակով: Կբարձրացվի շովինիզմի ու ռասիզմի ալիք, ինչը կոչված է կոշտ պայքար հրահրել ժողովրդավարական կազմակերպությունների դեմ:
Շատ պարզ ու փորձված սխեմա է, որը Թուրքիայում կիրառվել է բազմիցս: Դա, իհարկե, ավելի կվատացնի նրա հարաբերությունները ԱՄՆ-ի ու ՆԱՏՕ-ի, ինչպես նաեւ Եվրոպական միության հետ, սակայն Թուրքիային կարող է աջակցել Ռուսաստանը:
Սակայն խնդիրը դա չէ, դա վերաբերում է միայն աշխարհքաղաքական կողմին: Ավելի կարեւոր է ներքաղաքական իրավիճակը, եւ դժվար թե ուժի արտաքին շահագրգիռ կենտրոնները լիովին հասկանում են Թուրքիայի իրավիճակի հետ կապված իրական հեռանկարները:
Արեւմուտքի առջեւ կանգնելու է հետեւյալ խնդիրը` ինչպես համատեղել ռազմավարական ու տարածաշրջանային շահերը Թուրքիայի հարցով: Մինչ այժմ Արեւմուտքը գերադասում էր պահպանել Թուրքիայի հետ ռազմական գործընկերության եւ ժողովրդավարական պահանջների հավասարակշռությունը: Ի՞նչ անել, եթե Անատոլիայում տեղի ունենան առավել արմատական իրադարձություններ: Այս կապակցությամբ Արեւմուտքում պատկերացումներ գրեթե չկան:
Սակայն դա չի նշանակում, որ Արեւմուտքում Անատոլիայի ապագայի կապակցությամբ նախագծեր չեն մշակվում: Տեղի են ունենում մշակումներ միաժամանակ եւ «ձախ», եւ «աջ» նախագծերի շրջանակներում: Դա տեղի է ունենում վաղուց, սակայն Սիրիայի եւ Իրաքի իրադարձությունները, ինչպես նաեւ ամերիկա-իրանական հարաբերությունների կարգավորումն ու Թուրքիայի ու Ռուսաստանի մերձեցումը ԱՄՆ-ին ու Եվրոպայում Թուրքիայի խնդիրներով նրա գլխավոր գործընկերոջը` Գերմանիային հասկացնել տվեցին, որ պետք է ակտիվացնել նախաձեռնությունները քաղաքական նախագծերի ձեւաչափով:
Ներկայում առավել քան երբեւէ բարենպաստ պայմաններ են ստեղծվել երկու նախագծերի իրականացման համար, թեկուզ մասնակի: Ամերիկացիները վստահ են, որ այդ քաղաքականությանն աջակցելու են ՆԱՏՕ-ն եւ Եվրոպայի ու Մերձավոր Արեւելքի առաջատար պետությունները: Նման իրավիճակ դեռ երբեք չէր եղել: Առաջավոր Ասիայում «մեծ անկյունագծով» ճեղքումից առաջ ՆԱՏՕ-ն պետք է լուծի որոշ բարդ հարցեր:
Վերլուծական յուրահատուկ մտածողություն ունեցող քաղաքական հեղինակ Հայկ Բալանյանը վերջերս ինձ հուշեց մի միտք, որը վերաբերվում էր Թուրքիային Իրաքի Քրդստանի հնարավոր ինտեգրմանը, ընդ որում, այդ ենթադրությունն արվել էր դեռ այն ժամանակ, երբ նման պնդման համար հիմքեր չկային: Սակայն այդ սցենարի քիչ թե շատ մանրամասն դիտարկումը բերեց պահվածքի բազմաթիվ ու տարբեր գծերի ընկալմանը, եւ գլխավորը` թե դա ում նախագիծն է:
Երեւում է, ժամանակն է, որ մշակողները բացեն խաղաքարտերը, ինչը կարող է համաշխարհային սենսացիա դառնալ: Մանրամասները չի կարելի անտեսել, եթե խոսքը մեծ քաղաքականության մասին է: Այդ պատճառով էթնիկ ոչ մեծ խմբերի խնդիրները կարող են համաշխարհային քաղաքականության կարեւոր գործոն դառնալ: Դա, անշուշտ, պարունակում է այդքան կարծրացած աշխարհքաղաքական կոնֆիգուրացիայի ճեղքման եւ սպառնալիքներ, եւ հույսեր:
- See more at: http://www.lragir.am/index/arm/0/com....HtKTqQxW.dpuf
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Re: Western Armenians
Originally posted by Vrej1915 View PostToday's Zaman, Turkey
Jan 5 2014
Being an Armenian in the capital of the bureaucracy (1)
5 January 2014 /EM�NE DOLMACI, ANKARA
The following sentence summarizes well what Turkish-Armenians living
in Ankara went through: "Ankara is the capital, the heart of the state
and bureaucracy. You have to act in a more controlled manner in Ankara
if you are an Armenian." Turkish-Armenians in Ankara spend their
entire lives without learning their language, practicing their
religion or using Armenian names.
Within the scope of its oral history project, the Hrant Dink
Foundation, named after the Turkish-Armenian journalist who was killed
by an ultranationalist teenager in front of the office of the Agos
weekly in �stanbul in 2007, has completed a book on Turkish-Armenians
in Ankara after two previous books titled "Sounds of Silence,
Armenians of Turkey Speak" (Sessizli�in Sesi, T�rkiyeli Ermeniler
Konufluyor) and "Sounds of Silence 2, Armenians of Diyarbak�r Speak"
(Sessizli�in Sesi 2, Diyarbak�rl� Ermeniler Konufluyor). The
foundation's new book, titled, "Sounds of Silence 3, Armenians of
Ankara Speak" (Sessizli�in Sesi 2, Ankaral� Ermeniler Konufluyor) sheds
light on Turkish-Armenians' socio-cultural lives in Ankara. According
to the research of Raymond Kevorkian, a French historian of Armenian
descent, the population of Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, which was
11,246 in 1914, has dropped to around 300 in the present day.
Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, who used to work in the textile sector in
the past, want to become public servants, but they can only work as
contract personnel in public institutions. The majority of them cannot
speak Armenian, and they have already become accustomed to mixed
marriages, which they avoided in the past. They either have a Turkish
name in addition to their Armenian names or only a Turkish name. The
following sentence summarizes well what Turkish-Armenians living in
Ankara went though: "Ankara is the capital, the heart of the state and
bureaucracy. You have to act in a more controlled manner in Ankara if
you are an Armenian." One Turkish-Armenian, who has served as
principal clerk for the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality for a long
time and asked to remain anonymous, also said, "As a Turkish-Armenian,
you can have only limited space within the system." Among the
Turkish-Armenians who live in Ankara's Yenikent district, which used
to be an Armenian village called Istanoz, as well as Ulus and the
neighborhoods close to Ankara Castle, young Armenians usually avoided
disclosing their identity when interviewed by the foundation. A young
Turkish-Armenian expressed his concern about disclosing his identity,
saying that he had applied to a public institution for a job and he
was afraid of being rejected if his Armenian identity was revealed.
Although Turkish-Armenians in Ankara are much more silent that
Turkish-Armenians in �stanbul and other cities, they are now
expressing themselves more freely. They want to live as first-class
citizens of this country. Ferda Balancar, who directed the group that
conducted these interviews with Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, gave an
interview to Today's Zaman.
In order to overcome traumas, we need to talk about them
What is the purpose of the oral history project that you conducted
with Turkish-Armenians in Ankara?
The aim of this project is to find traces of the political and
cultural memory of Armenians living both in Turkey and other parts of
the world and understanding how Armenians perceive themselves and "the
others." In this way the project aims to reflect the Turkish-Armenian
reality, with its political, cultural and historical aspects.
How do the people that you interviewed define their identity in their
daily lives?
Many of them prefer to hide their Armenian identities, and the most
common practice to ensure this is using a Turkish name or giving their
children Turkish names.
They place great emphasis on the concept of being of or from Turkey
rather than on sect or ethnicity. What do you think is the reason for
this?
This is related to the democratization process and the liberalization
of identities that Turkey had gone through in the last 10 years. The
constitutional common denominator of different ethnic and religious
groups living in Turkey can be the concept of being of or from Turkey,
as seen in the draft of the new constitution. The Turkish-Armenians
that we interviewed also underlined this.
Have they overcome the traumas of the past, or did they just sweep
their feelings under the rug?
They have not overcome the traumas of the past; they have just swept
everything under the rug. In order to overcome these traumas, we need
to openly discuss them. Without this, it is impossible to overcome the
traumas.
What they demand in order to confront the past?
First of all, they demand a sincere and heart-felted apology. They
want to Turkish people to understand the sorrows Armenians are going
through not only during the 1915 incidents but also during the
nation-state process without blaming each others.
What are their expectations from the future compared to other Turkish citizens?
In fact, they do not have different demands. They want or live in a
democratic country that respects human rights. They think they would
have a more comfortable and happy life in such a country.
Considering the current development level of development of the
country in terms of human rights and freedoms, do they feel in secure?
They are also aware of the fact that Turkey has made a great progress
in terms of fundamental rights and freedoms in the recent years, but
they do not feel in secure. Because they are concerned that everything
may be reversed.
One of Armenians that you interviewed indicated the declining
population of Armenians in Turkey and said "We are only few people,
what will happen 70 years later?" Do you have an answer for this
question?
Armenian population in Turkey is about 70,000 or 80,000. If they
continue to have mixed marriages and migrate to abroad, there would
not be an Armenian community 50 years later.
Witness 1
I never like the sense of belonging
I would have gone both the Political Science Faculty (SBF), School of
Press and Broadcasting of Ankara University. I did not want to go to
Political Science Faculty because I think that I would never be an
ambassador, governor or bureaucrat because of my Armenian identity. If
you are an Armenian, the system allocates a very small room for you.
In 1968 when the street skirmishes between rightist and leftist groups
were fueled, I went to School of Press and Broadcasting of Ankara
University. I never involve in the clashes between rightist and
leftist groups, because for the both sides, I was the man who is
irrelevant. And no one wanted to lure me to their sides. I never like
the sense of belonging. I have never developed a sense of belonging to
any group.
Witness 2
Hrant Dink was expressing my feelings
Hrant Dink wanted to live as a Turkish-Armenian and serve his country.
He was expressing my feelings as well. Hrant Dink has a huge influence
on me. On the day when I learned that he later died, I was ruined.
Will I be Turk when I say I am a Turk? A person cannot change their
ethnicity, but I am a good person from Turkey. I carried Turkish flag,
red poem on Turkish national days. I get emotional when I heard our
national anthem, or see our flag. But do not want to see Flags and
Atat�rk posters at everywhere. I am ready to do, and already doing my
best to unite at common denominator of being form Turkey and work the
for the sake of this country.
Witness 3
I want to live as the first-class citizens of this country.
My uncle felt in love with a Greek girl, They ran away together and
settled in the US. They had 5 daughters. He opened a tailor's shop and
he was earning good money. They had a good life. Both my uncle and his
wife passed away 5 or 6 years age. Although he had good life, he
always used to say: "I wish hadn't left my country." He went to the
US, and had a more comfortable life, but he always longed for these
land. I do not want to be like my uncle. I want to live in this
country as a first-class and equal citizen.
Witness 4
I teach Turkish to my grandchildren in Austria
When I was a member of the Social Democratic Party of Austria,
secretary-general of the party asked me if I have been oppressed while
living in Turkey because of the Armenian ethnicity. This was the first
time when I understand what discrimination is. I told I have never
been discriminated which was the truth. I am an Armenian but I am from
Turkey. I love our country. Although I live in Austria since 1979, I
follow every development in Turkey, and I teach Turkish to my
grandchildren in Austria.
Witness 5
An era has ended and a new era has started.
What has changed, so that we can discuss the Armenian issue more
freely? I believe, the coup cases have put an end to an era and
started a new one. Negotiation is required while trying to do
something. For example, while talking about re-opening of the Halki
Seminary on the island of Heybeliada near �stanbul, the issue of
re-opening of Turkish mosques in Greece should not be ignored.
Allowing one time a year worship at the Cathedral Church of the Holy
Cross, in the Akdamar island in Lake Van is a symbolic but very
important and positive move. There are very positive developments ,
and you cannot ignore them.
Witness 6
Since the Armenians have gone, the prosperity has been gone too
In the recent year, the 1915 incidents and the sorrows Armenians that
have gone through is being discussed. Unlike the past, he media also
extensively cover this issue. However, extensively discussing these
issues has both positive and negative impacts. It is not good thing to
twist the knife in that wound. I am cautious about this issue. Look at
what happened to Hrant Dink. He was working for the sake of this
country. He wanted to introduce peace between Turks and Armenians. I
do not understand why the people of this country have gone through
great pains. The both side have suffered. There is a proverb in
Anatolia saying: "Since the Armenians have gone, the prosperity has
been gone too," but the number of people who think killing of
Armenians or forcing them to migrate was a good thing is not small.
http://www.todayszaman.com/news-3358...aucracy-1.html
The words of these people being interviewed are all words of TRAUMATIZED people.
They are trying to live amongst the hordes & it's not working.
There are only a few left.
----------- the number of ?people? (turks) who think killing of Armenians or FORCING them to ?migrate? Was a good thing --- IS NOT SMALL.
The above statement is an understatement.
And also says it all.
Divide the number of turks who participate in the DINK memorial gathering into the turk population & you get approx. --- .0001% ---.
The general turk psyche has not changed.
They were & are born from heartless thiefs & murderers and that is actually who we are dealing with.
Also, the last thing I bothered reading from a kurd was when an official was asked if they (kurds) were considering compensating the Armenians for their (kurd) participation in the genocide. The Kurd replied --------- No, the apology is enough. -----
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-
Re: Western Armenians
Today's Zaman, Turkey
Jan 5 2014
Being an Armenian in the capital of the bureaucracy (1)
5 January 2014 /EM†NE DOLMACI, ANKARA
The following sentence summarizes well what Turkish-Armenians living
in Ankara went through: "Ankara is the capital, the heart of the state
and bureaucracy. You have to act in a more controlled manner in Ankara
if you are an Armenian." Turkish-Armenians in Ankara spend their
entire lives without learning their language, practicing their
religion or using Armenian names.
Within the scope of its oral history project, the Hrant Dink
Foundation, named after the Turkish-Armenian journalist who was killed
by an ultranationalist teenager in front of the office of the Agos
weekly in †stanbul in 2007, has completed a book on Turkish-Armenians
in Ankara after two previous books titled "Sounds of Silence,
Armenians of Turkey Speak" (Sessizli›in Sesi, Türkiyeli Ermeniler
Konufluyor) and "Sounds of Silence 2, Armenians of Diyarbak‡r Speak"
(Sessizli›in Sesi 2, Diyarbak‡rl‡ Ermeniler Konufluyor). The
foundation's new book, titled, "Sounds of Silence 3, Armenians of
Ankara Speak" (Sessizli›in Sesi 2, Ankaral‡ Ermeniler Konufluyor) sheds
light on Turkish-Armenians' socio-cultural lives in Ankara. According
to the research of Raymond Kevorkian, a French historian of Armenian
descent, the population of Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, which was
11,246 in 1914, has dropped to around 300 in the present day.
Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, who used to work in the textile sector in
the past, want to become public servants, but they can only work as
contract personnel in public institutions. The majority of them cannot
speak Armenian, and they have already become accustomed to mixed
marriages, which they avoided in the past. They either have a Turkish
name in addition to their Armenian names or only a Turkish name. The
following sentence summarizes well what Turkish-Armenians living in
Ankara went though: "Ankara is the capital, the heart of the state and
bureaucracy. You have to act in a more controlled manner in Ankara if
you are an Armenian." One Turkish-Armenian, who has served as
principal clerk for the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality for a long
time and asked to remain anonymous, also said, "As a Turkish-Armenian,
you can have only limited space within the system." Among the
Turkish-Armenians who live in Ankara's Yenikent district, which used
to be an Armenian village called Istanoz, as well as Ulus and the
neighborhoods close to Ankara Castle, young Armenians usually avoided
disclosing their identity when interviewed by the foundation. A young
Turkish-Armenian expressed his concern about disclosing his identity,
saying that he had applied to a public institution for a job and he
was afraid of being rejected if his Armenian identity was revealed.
Although Turkish-Armenians in Ankara are much more silent that
Turkish-Armenians in †stanbul and other cities, they are now
expressing themselves more freely. They want to live as first-class
citizens of this country. Ferda Balancar, who directed the group that
conducted these interviews with Turkish-Armenians in Ankara, gave an
interview to Today's Zaman.
In order to overcome traumas, we need to talk about them
What is the purpose of the oral history project that you conducted
with Turkish-Armenians in Ankara?
The aim of this project is to find traces of the political and
cultural memory of Armenians living both in Turkey and other parts of
the world and understanding how Armenians perceive themselves and "the
others." In this way the project aims to reflect the Turkish-Armenian
reality, with its political, cultural and historical aspects.
How do the people that you interviewed define their identity in their
daily lives?
Many of them prefer to hide their Armenian identities, and the most
common practice to ensure this is using a Turkish name or giving their
children Turkish names.
They place great emphasis on the concept of being of or from Turkey
rather than on sect or ethnicity. What do you think is the reason for
this?
This is related to the democratization process and the liberalization
of identities that Turkey had gone through in the last 10 years. The
constitutional common denominator of different ethnic and religious
groups living in Turkey can be the concept of being of or from Turkey,
as seen in the draft of the new constitution. The Turkish-Armenians
that we interviewed also underlined this.
Have they overcome the traumas of the past, or did they just sweep
their feelings under the rug?
They have not overcome the traumas of the past; they have just swept
everything under the rug. In order to overcome these traumas, we need
to openly discuss them. Without this, it is impossible to overcome the
traumas.
What they demand in order to confront the past?
First of all, they demand a sincere and heart-felted apology. They
want to Turkish people to understand the sorrows Armenians are going
through not only during the 1915 incidents but also during the
nation-state process without blaming each others.
What are their expectations from the future compared to other Turkish citizens?
In fact, they do not have different demands. They want or live in a
democratic country that respects human rights. They think they would
have a more comfortable and happy life in such a country.
Considering the current development level of development of the
country in terms of human rights and freedoms, do they feel in secure?
They are also aware of the fact that Turkey has made a great progress
in terms of fundamental rights and freedoms in the recent years, but
they do not feel in secure. Because they are concerned that everything
may be reversed.
One of Armenians that you interviewed indicated the declining
population of Armenians in Turkey and said "We are only few people,
what will happen 70 years later?" Do you have an answer for this
question?
Armenian population in Turkey is about 70,000 or 80,000. If they
continue to have mixed marriages and migrate to abroad, there would
not be an Armenian community 50 years later.
Witness 1
I never like the sense of belonging
I would have gone both the Political Science Faculty (SBF), School of
Press and Broadcasting of Ankara University. I did not want to go to
Political Science Faculty because I think that I would never be an
ambassador, governor or bureaucrat because of my Armenian identity. If
you are an Armenian, the system allocates a very small room for you.
In 1968 when the street skirmishes between rightist and leftist groups
were fueled, I went to School of Press and Broadcasting of Ankara
University. I never involve in the clashes between rightist and
leftist groups, because for the both sides, I was the man who is
irrelevant. And no one wanted to lure me to their sides. I never like
the sense of belonging. I have never developed a sense of belonging to
any group.
Witness 2
Hrant Dink was expressing my feelings
Hrant Dink wanted to live as a Turkish-Armenian and serve his country.
He was expressing my feelings as well. Hrant Dink has a huge influence
on me. On the day when I learned that he later died, I was ruined.
Will I be Turk when I say I am a Turk? A person cannot change their
ethnicity, but I am a good person from Turkey. I carried Turkish flag,
red poem on Turkish national days. I get emotional when I heard our
national anthem, or see our flag. But do not want to see Flags and
Atatürk posters at everywhere. I am ready to do, and already doing my
best to unite at common denominator of being form Turkey and work the
for the sake of this country.
Witness 3
I want to live as the first-class citizens of this country.
My uncle felt in love with a Greek girl, They ran away together and
settled in the US. They had 5 daughters. He opened a tailor's shop and
he was earning good money. They had a good life. Both my uncle and his
wife passed away 5 or 6 years age. Although he had good life, he
always used to say: "I wish hadn't left my country." He went to the
US, and had a more comfortable life, but he always longed for these
land. I do not want to be like my uncle. I want to live in this
country as a first-class and equal citizen.
Witness 4
I teach Turkish to my grandchildren in Austria
When I was a member of the Social Democratic Party of Austria,
secretary-general of the party asked me if I have been oppressed while
living in Turkey because of the Armenian ethnicity. This was the first
time when I understand what discrimination is. I told I have never
been discriminated which was the truth. I am an Armenian but I am from
Turkey. I love our country. Although I live in Austria since 1979, I
follow every development in Turkey, and I teach Turkish to my
grandchildren in Austria.
Witness 5
An era has ended and a new era has started.
What has changed, so that we can discuss the Armenian issue more
freely? I believe, the coup cases have put an end to an era and
started a new one. Negotiation is required while trying to do
something. For example, while talking about re-opening of the Halki
Seminary on the island of Heybeliada near †stanbul, the issue of
re-opening of Turkish mosques in Greece should not be ignored.
Allowing one time a year worship at the Cathedral Church of the Holy
Cross, in the Akdamar island in Lake Van is a symbolic but very
important and positive move. There are very positive developments ,
and you cannot ignore them.
Witness 6
Since the Armenians have gone, the prosperity has been gone too
In the recent year, the 1915 incidents and the sorrows Armenians that
have gone through is being discussed. Unlike the past, he media also
extensively cover this issue. However, extensively discussing these
issues has both positive and negative impacts. It is not good thing to
twist the knife in that wound. I am cautious about this issue. Look at
what happened to Hrant Dink. He was working for the sake of this
country. He wanted to introduce peace between Turks and Armenians. I
do not understand why the people of this country have gone through
great pains. The both side have suffered. There is a proverb in
Anatolia saying: "Since the Armenians have gone, the prosperity has
been gone too," but the number of people who think killing of
Armenians or forcing them to migrate was a good thing is not small.
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Re: Western Armenians
Աբդուլլահ Գյուլի մայրը հայկական ծագում ունի. կրկնել է հակահայ թուրք կին գործիչը
Հոկտեմբեր 15, 2013
Թուրքիայի ընդդիմադիր «Ժողովրդա-հանրապետական» (chp) կուսակցության նախկին պատգամավոր, հակահայ ելույթներով հայտնի Ջանան Արըթմանը կրկին խոսել է Թուրքիայի նախագահ Աբդուլլահ Գյուլի հայկական արմատների մասին։
Թուրքական «Դողան» լրատվական գործակալության փոխանցմամբ՝ տարիներ առաջ Թուրքիայի նախագահի մոր հայկական արմատների մասին օրակարգում հայտնված chp-ի այն ժամանակվա պատգամավոր Ջանան Արըթմանը կրկին հայտարարել է, թե ինքը դեռ ուսանող ժամանակներից գիտեր, որ Աբդուլլահ Գյուլի տատը հայ է։
Ջանան Արըթմանը նշել է, թե երբ սովորում էր բժշկական համալսարանում, նյարդաբանության դասաժամին պրոֆ. Ահմեդ Սաթօղլուն պատմել է, որ Աբդուլլահ Գյուլի զարմիկն է եւ իր մայրը, այսինքն՝ Աբդուլլահ Գյուլի տատը հայ է։
Նշենք, որ հիշյալ կուսակցության առաջնորդ Քեմալ Քըլըչդարօղլուն կուսակցության ղեկն ստանձնելուց հետո կուսակցության խորհրդի կազմից հեռացրել էր մեծ թվով ռասիստ կուսակցականների, այդ թվում խիստ հակահայ Ջանան Արըթմանին եւ Օնուր Օյմենին։
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Re: Western Armenians
Թուրք պատգամավորն առաջարկում է նախկինում հայերեն անուններ ունեցած բնակավայրերին տալ հին անունը
22, 2013
Թուրքիայի գլխավոր ընդդիմադիր «Ժողովրդա-հանրապետական» կուսակցության պատգամավոր Սեզգին Թանրըքուլուն գրավոր հարցադրում է ուղղել Թուրքիայի վարչապետ Ռեջեփ Թայիփ Էրդողանին՝ հարցնելով, թե նա չի մտածում իր հայրենի գյուղը վերանվանել հին անունով։
Թուրքական Interneyhaber կայքի փոխանցմամբ՝ ընդդիմադիր «Ժողովրդա-հանրապետական» կուսակցության պատգամավոր Սեզգին Թանրըքուլուի՝ վարչապետ Ռեջեփ Թայիփ Էրդողանին ուղղված գրավոր հարցադրման մեջ նշվել է, թե Թուրքիայում մի շարք բնակավայրերի անունները, որոնք հայերենով են, վրացերենով են, քրդերենով են, արաբերենով եւ հունարեն են, փոխել եւ դարձրել են թուրքերեն, սակայն բնակիչները միեւնույնն է դրանք անվանում են հին անուններով։
«Մի անծանոթ մարդ, որ լսի, կմտածի, որ երկու տարբեր բնակավայեր են, այնինչ, մի բնակավայրի հին եւ նոր անուններ են դրանք։ Անատոլիայի բազմաթիվ բնակավայրեր դեռեւս շարունակվում են հին անուններով կոչվել, թեեւ կա դրանց նոր անվանումը։ Թեեւ այդ բնակավայրերի բնակչության էթնիկ կազմը փոխվել է, սակայն անվանումները նույնն են մնացել։
Այս համատեքստում, պարոն վարչապետ, չեք մտածում ձեր Դումանքայա անունը կրող գյուղին տալ հին Պուլիհոզ անվանումը, իսկ Ռիզեի Գյունեյսուի շրջանին՝ Պոտոմյա անվանումը, կամ էլ երկու անունները միաժամանակ օգտագործելու իրավական մեխանիզմ ստեղծել»,-նշվել է գրավոր հարցադրման մեջ։
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Re: Western Armenians
LACK OF STUDENTS LEADS TO CLOSURE OF MINORITY SCHOOLS IN TURKEY
September 20, 2013 - 17:05 AMT
PanARMENIAN.Net - A lack of students in Turkey's minority schools
is leading them to close down, says a report issued by the History
Foundation.
According to Cihan news agency, the report, released at a foundation
press conference, says that the steady decline in Turkey's minority
populations, a rising preference among minority students to study at
non-minority schools and enrolment limitations applied by the state
have drawn student populations at minority schools down so far that
many have had to close. The surviving
Armenian and xxxish schools seem to have reached stable enrolment
levels, but low enrolment remains the single biggest problem facing
Greek schools. In the 2012-13 academic year, 3,137 students attended
Armenian schools, including 67 Armenian citizens; 230 students
attended Greek schools (including students of Greek nationality)
and 688 students attended xxxish schools.
"The number of students attending these schools may be increased
and the schools may be saved from closure if students who are not
Turkish citizens or who do not belong to the same minority [group]
are allowed to enroll," the report says.
One of the biggest problems the report mentioned is the ambiguous
status of Turkey's minority schools, which are officially considered
neither private schools nor foreign schools. However, minority schools
are still associated by the public with private and foreign schools,
and are subjected to the legislation regulating private schools --
including a rule that prevents them from accepting students above
a quota allocated by the ministry of education, which causes major
financial problems and often makes it difficult for minority schools
to survive on their budgets.
Another problem the report mentions is the reciprocity principle
and minority schools. Though minority schools are affiliated with
foundations managed by Turkish citizens and attended by Turkish
citizens, the principle of reciprocity is imposed on the development of
legislation governing these schools and in defining their rights and
obligations. For example, if a Greek school in Turkey wants to hire a
teacher who is a Greek national, the Turkish government will require
Greece to hire a Turkish teacher to teach at a school in Greece.
According to the report, this reciprocity principle equates minorities
with foreigners, offending them and forcing them to deal with a large
number of bureaucratic and political problems. The report suggests
dropping the principle of reciprocity when preparing legislation
governing minority schools.
Yet another challenge minority schools face is a lack of trained
teachers as Turkish universities do not offer specialized education
in this field. The History Foundation suggests the establishment
of special departments for each minority group's schools in Turkish
universities.
No public authority or private institution is responsible for preparing
the textbooks and education materials needed by the minority schools of
the Armenian, Greek and xxxish communities, the report says. "Schools
should also be provided with support for the translation and printing
of textbooks. It is suggested that a special unit with a suitable
budget and employing an adequate number of qualified employees be
set up to develop textbooks and educational materials for minority
schools in Turkey. This unit should be financed by the state."
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Re: Western Armenians
INSTALLATION OF MEMORIAL IN DIYARBAKIR IS STEP FORWARD IN ARMENIAN GENOCIDE'S RECOGNITION - TURKOLOGIST
September 20, 2013 | 16:20
YEREVAN. - The installation in Diyarbakir of the memorial, which is
devoted to the Armenians and other nationalities that were massacred,
is not enough for us, but it is a step forward on the road to the
recognition of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey.
Turkologist Andranik Ispiryan stated the abovementioned during a
press conference on Friday (PHOTOS).
In the turkologist's words, Diyarbakir Mayor Osman Baydemir had
informed about the idea for creating a "Joint Memorial of Conscience"
in the city, two years ago.
Ispiryan noted that the memorial was installed in Diyarbakir on
September 12 of this year, but the word "genocide" is not on the
monument.
The turkologist commented on this fact by stating that Baydemir
and Mayor Abdullah Demirbas of Diyarbakir Province's Sur city-where
the memorial is installed-did not add the word "genocide" to avoid
possible judicial prosecution and roadblocks against the installation
of the memorial.
"Since the word 'genocide' is not on the memorial, it does not satisfy
us. But this step by the Diyarbakir authorities is a step forward on
the road to the recognition of the Genocide in Turkey.
"The Assyrian community likewise has responded to the installation
of this memorial stressing that another memorial is needed, [but] on
which the word 'Genocide' would be written," Andranik Ispiryan noted.
Photo by Arsen Sargsyan/NEWS.am
News from Armenia - NEWS.am
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Re: Western Armenians
LECTURE SHEDS LIGHT ON AITNAB LEGACY
Friday, September 20th, 2013
Umit Kurt during his presentation
BY HASMIK PILIPOSYAN
Aintabtsi Hayer, miatsek! (Armenians of Aintab, Unite!)
The Ararat Eskijian Museum wore the image of Old Aintab on Sunday,
September 15 as fifty or more true Aintabtsis and supporters gathered
to hear a lecture by Umit Kurt, PhD candidate in the department of
History at Clark University. The lecture, titled The Emergence of the
New Wealthy Class Between 1915-1922: The Seizure of Armenian Property
by Local Elites in Aintab, focused on the importance of acquiring
Armenian wealth and material possessions to the local Kurds and Turks
in Aintab before and during the Armenian Genocide of 1915. To what
extent did the lust for Armenian property act as a motive for the
killings? Kurt described a "link between the role of stolen Armenian
assets in the integration and stabilization of Turkification, which
makes confiscation of Armenian properties a social process". The fate
of the Armenians was not only linked to the Committee of Union and
Progress party (CUP) orders, but behavior of the local elites.
Material rewards were given for collaboration at the regional level.
In Kurt's words, "the large distribution of Armenian property provided
a useful incentive that strongly reinforced Armenian hatred and
other political and personal issues." Besides the local elites, many
other state companies were also involved in the seizure of Armenian
properties including auction houses, property assessors, trustees, and
transportation companies in support of Turkish anti-Armenian policies
in Aintab. The opportunities for success and growth facilitated the
removal of Armenians, whereas the effects of the loss of properties
to the victims were demoralizing and stigmatizing. Additionally,
the deportation of Armenians to the Syrian Desert proved effective in
separating them from their properties as they were made not to return.
A new local wealthy class emerged and prospered through the obtainment
of Armenian wealth and property.
After the lecture, Umit Kurt displayed a short film called My Father's
Aintab and old and recent images of the Armenian quarter in Aintab.
The evening followed with a Q&A session where one of the audience
members asked Umit why he chose to research the destruction of Aintab's
Armenians and their properties. As a native of Aintab, when Umit was
younger, he did not know about the presence of Armenians or about
the Armenian quarter in Aintab. When one of his friends invited him
to a unique coffee shop to meet, Umit's life and interests changed
forever. When he reached the coffee shop, he first noticed the
intricately carved, monumental front door of the coffee shop and was
amazed at the internal beauty and homey design, which contained every
feature of an Armenian home. He asked the owner, who was Turkish,
to show him around the place and the upstairs section composed of
many rooms aesthetically extrinsic to Umit's eyes. Umit noticed
the numbers "1894" (when the first Hamidian massacres took place)
on the wall and asked about the previous owner. The man replied,
"I don't know, Armenians were here." Later, he discovered that a man
named Nazaret Agha of the Kimia family owned the house, before it
became a coffee shop. It became the groundbreaking point in his life
where he sought out to research the history of the Aintab Armenians
and in the meanwhile, also write his own story.
Umit Kurt is of Kurdish descent maternally, but is not certain of his
father's side. He is a PhD candidate at Clark University and student
of Taner Akcam, a prominent scholar on the Armenian Genocide. During
the Q&A session, Umit was asked if he received any objections or had
been tried for "insulting Turkishness", in which he responded that
he has not yet encountered any objections from the Turkish government
regarding his research on the stolen Armenian properties. In the last
minutes, Umit Kurt spoke words that made everyone smile. He said,
"I don't work for Armenian people; I work for my own people to reckon
their own historical wrongdoings."
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