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The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

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  • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

    Russia Will Weather the Storm



    The Russian administration is certain of its actions under the conditions of the economic crisis, including the actions to support state-run and private-owned enterprises, the smooth devaluation of the ruble and the development of employment programs. These are the main theses of Dmitry Medvedev's interview to Rossiya TV channel.

    The interview has dotted all i's. The president acknowledged that he considered the anti-crisis policy his personal responsibility. Medvedev highlighted two issues - the devaluation of the Russian currency, the ruble, and the growing level of unemployment.

    Medvedev approved the actions of the Central Bank to weaken the rate of the national currency. "Unfortunately, we have begun to receive less income recently, and our payments in foreign currency have increased. We had to make such changes, but we needed to conduct them in a quiet way, and this is exactly what the Central Bank did, I believe. I am not saying that the ruble must freeze now. The Central Bank believes that the current currency rates mirror the real state of our currency and its current solvency," the president said. The Central Bank will watch the current rate closely and any sudden fluctuations will thus be excluded, Medvedev added.

    It seems once again that Russia has the right man for the right time. Having headed the highly successful Gazprom, Dmitry Medvedev is a steady hand with a calming influence. He is not given to panic or drastic measures. He is also quite mindful of the common ordinary citizen and his/her problems.
    The economic crisis gripping the globe cannot but affect Russia. It is totally unavoidable. Russia has dealings with other countries that are affected in a most negative way.
    But Russia's leaders, beginning with Vladimir Putin have seen to it that Russia's economy is built upon a solid foundation of gold reserves and a balanced budget, so the currency has back up. The country is blessed with great resources. Russia will weather the storm. Already the rainbow can be seen...

    Очень много интересных и разных материалов по Москве. Цель moscowtopnews.com заинтересовать вечно спешащих людей городом, где они живут. Мы хотим, чтобы знать Москву стало хорошим тоном. Тогда и забота о ее сохранении превратиться для нас в насущную потребность.

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    • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

      If Russia were a nation that had a highly advanced, diversified economic infrastructure that actually did provide opportunities for the individuals to find work in competitively advantaged industries who not only produce demanded goods and services but generate capital, hard wealth as a foundation for their society to build on, then I would agree that there is this umbrela of hope for them.

      However, if the government's sole aim is to weather the storm through the trading of natural resources internationally without necessarily greating real job opportunities for its population, and instead choosing to incorporate all revenues into its state budget for redistribution through social benefit programs, questions arise...

      What exactly are they going to do for the Russian people with their budget? Are they going to at least use these revenues to generate non-nationalized industries that are safe regarding Russia's national security, that could not only produce goods and services genuinely demanded by consumers both domestic and abroad, but also provide job security for the Russia's 140 million inhabitants?

      If they already do not pursue this, as they need to allocate their revenues into such expensive but extremely necessary programs like modernizing their military or expanding their nationalized gas and oil industries to maintain competitive advantage in what is practically an oil war on the international scene, what makes you think that in times where Russia will be financially on its back, depending on reserves in order to balance their budget to pursue the above, crucial projects for their survival, will they be able to provide what is necessary as an economic system to protect the security of their domestic population, and thus, its blessings towards the endeavors their government is taking on?

      I feel that Russia knows it cannot create an actual umbrella for its population as it never has tried to in ways beyond keeping foreign interests off of their resources, which in itself can only be seen as subjectively beneficial to the people based on their political attitudes and not on their judgements towards the actual economic conditions they live in (though negative experience in the latter will most certainly affect their view of their government). And so, they have shown and will continue to show that they are more than ready to become a police state, which ignores the cries of the people even if they arise from actual signs of economic sickness for their nation.

      As such, the government would enforce a policy that refuses to address the genuine lack of infrastructure and diversity of its economy, and thus becomes at odds with its very own population.

      This is a dangerous situation to be in, especially considering the upcoming storm. I do hope the best for Russia, and though I am impressed with their feats with Gazprom and with the goals they have set in modernizing their military, I fear it is not enough to shield them from the onslaught perpetrated by the Western elite who control a fire that could ignite the entire world. I feel they are using these artificially generated conditions not only out of greed towards the populations they govern directly, but as an economic, strategically induced weather condition that will hammer Russia where it hurts perhaps the most, it's domestic economic health.

      They know that they cannot cut off the head to kill the body with Putin around, so they've going after the body again by instantiating a globalized threat that Russia could do nothing to exempt itself from. You can win a fight in a battlefield, or through oil routes, but what do you do when your opponent has decided to poison the very air the populations of the world need to breathe and to face you off based on how well you can recuperate from this poisoning, knowing you will get more poisoned by it and are counting on your grander strategies which ensure your survival, to at some point, crack and fail.

      They think they have the edge here and Putin has yet to prove them otherwise. I do hope he can, but I will not cover my eyes and hope, I will watch the whole dramatic scenario unfold from beginning to end.

      I do see some strategies coming out of Putin however... endorsing the Russian Orthodox Church. Cynics call such religious institutions as an "opium" for the people, however, in my eyes, I think that though it is in the interests of the state to keep Russians optimistic through religion, and if they Russian people succeed through these difficult times, they will be able to reap the benefits in the future as survivors of this Western onslaught to finally seize their nation's resources and put them back under their own globalistic/neo-mercantilistic orbit. I consider my attitude to this as recognizing the good out of a far from ideal form of leadership out of a nation as I do not agree the civilization today has been reduced to men living solely based on economic considerations. I could only wish that a truly spiritual consciousness will arise in Russians as this transcends the economic threats and demotivation thrown at them by the modern West. I will be considering the statistics on alcoholism as indicative of any such spiritual and disciplinary improvements.
      Last edited by jgk3; 02-18-2009, 10:41 AM.

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      • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

        Wow, very lucid post jgk3. I thoroughly enjoyed reading it.
        Achkerov kute.

        Comment


        • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

          Closer to Russia, farther from the West?
          byEMRE USLU & ÖNDER AYTAÇ[*]

          President Abdullah Gül's visit to Russia may indicate a new era in Turkey-Russia relations. Dailies reported that Gül's visit to Russia could extend Turkey-Russia relations beyond economic activities.

          If the reports are true, both sides agreed to establish relations on military and technological cooperation. It is no secret that the Turkish military has long been trying to end its dependence on US technology. Instead of buying technology from abroad, Turkey wants to produce it within the country.

          Perhaps the real motivation behind the agreement with Russia is Turkey's long-lasting effort to bring technology to Turkey and to produce key weapons systems and aircraft in Turkey. Reports on Gül's visit do not indicate that both sides have talked about any level of political cooperation on international issues.

          However, international communities may interpret that the visit itself carries a political message about Turkey's intention to establish better relations with Russia on every level, including economic, political and cultural cooperation. Furthermore, when a state deals with Russia, it can hardly escape Russia's political and economic influence. Not to mention that increasing economic relations with Russia will eventually lead to political cooperation. Knowing that Turkey is pretty much dependent on Russian gas supplies, if Turkey's dependency on Russia is extended to the level of military technology, nuclear power and space technology, Turkey in the future may find itself in a position to support Russia on certain political issues.

          In addition, Russia under Putin's leadership has been pursuing a foreign policy strategy that requires uniquely skilled diplomats to figure out what comes next after taking the initial step. There is little doubt that Turkey's foreign policy perspective hasn't been shifted from the West to the East, but Turkey's domestic and foreign policy limitations do not allow it to make whatever foreign policy decisions it wants to make. In terms of domestic problems, i.e., Kurdish problems, neo-nationalist problems and economic difficulties, Turkey has to be close to the EU and the US to find better solutions. In addition, Turkey's foreign policy engagements with the EU calmed its domestic problems. Any sign of breaking away from the EU would worsen its domestic politics.

          It is still too early to claim that Gül's visit to Moscow might be a sign that Turkey is breaking away from the EU; however, since 2007, because of lack of interest, the Turkish prime minister and president have almost forgotten how to go to Europe, creating an incentive to question whether Turkey is breaking away from the Western camp.

          In terms of Turkey-US relations, Turkey's dependence on US support on every level -- including cooperation in fighting terrorism and political, economic and military cooperation -- limits Turkey's ability to be a dance partner with Russia. Because of the March 1, 2003 crisis between Turkey and the US, Turkey's every foreign policy step is under the radar of the US.

          Concerning Russia, the US's first priority in this region is to prevent Russian influence in the south Caucasus, Turkey and the Black Sea region. Given that Russia and Iran have close relations, the US does not want Turkey to establish relations with Russia that resemble Russia-Iran relations. Therefore, from the US perspective, Turkey's relations with Russia should be limited to economic ties and energy dependency. Anything beyond this, i.e., establishing relations to transfer Russian military technology to Turkey, could alarm the US government.

          Although the details of the cooperation to transfer Russian military technology are unknown, the symbolic meaning of having such relations is bad enough to irritate US foreign policy makers.
          [*] Dr. Emre Uslu is an analyst working with the Jamestown Foundation, a Washington-based think tank. Önder Aytaç is an associate professor at Gazi University's department of communications and works with the Security Studies Institute in Ankara.

          Achkerov kute.

          Comment


          • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

            What does a ‘powerful partnership' mean?


            18 February 2009, Wednesday
            SAMI KOHEN MILLIYET


            During President Abdullah Gül's "state visit" to Moscow, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin clarified that Turkey was "one of Russian foreign policy priorities."

            The same thing could be said of Turkey: that Russia is one of its foreign policy priorities. In this area, the views and goals of these two countries overlap. And in fact the 12-page declaration signed in Moscow confirms this. What this document does is highlight the concept of "strong partnerships" in relations. Indeed, this expression -- "strong partnership" -- is more realistic and more accurate than the term "strategic partnership," which we hear so often these days. The meaning of a "strong partnership" is that from here on out Turkey and Russia will cooperate well, like real partners, in areas ranging from politics to security, trade to energy, technology to culture, and so on. It also means that when various barricades pop up from time to time, these will be transcended together, in a show of shared will.

            Achkerov kute.

            Comment


            • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

              Turkish-Russian relations enter new era with Gül’s Moscow visit



              President Abdullah Gül and his Russian counterpart, Dmitry Medvedev, signed a joint declaration on Friday in Moscow. Turkish President Abdullah Gül and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev signed a joint declaration in Moscow on Friday aimed at deepening friendly relations and improving multidimensional cooperation between the two countries, with the Russian side defining the declaration as a “strategic document.”

              Gül arrived in Moscow on Thursday, accompanied by Minister for Foreign Trade Kürşad Tüzmen, Energy Minister Hilmi Güler, Gül’s spouse, Hayrünnisa Gül, and a large business delegation. Foreign Minister Ali Babacan joined the delegation, traveling from Riga, Latvia, where he had been on an official visit, to Moscow late on Thursday. The four-day visit by Gül, a former foreign minister, to Moscow in his capacity as president was classified as a “state visit” upon the Russian side’s request, although it was earlier planned as an “official visit.” Moscow’s request displayed the importance attached to the visit -- since a state visit is described as the highest level of state protocol -- and made Gül the first Turkish president to ever pay a state visit to Russia. Following their meeting the two leaders signed a joint declaration which Gül said displayed the mutual political will to carry ongoing multidimensional bilateral cooperation further. “I believe this visit will open a new page between our countries,” Gül said.

              Achkerov kute.

              Comment


              • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

                So much for handing Russia the key, eh?
                Achkerov kute.

                Comment


                • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

                  Turkey and Russia Developing a New Economic and Strategic Partnership

                  By: Saban Kardas

                  Turkish president Abdullah Gul paid a four-day visit to the Russian Federation from February 12 to 15, marking the flourishing multidimensional relations between the two countries. Gul met with Russian president Dmitry Medvedev, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, and other officials and also traveled to Kazan, the capital of Tatarstan, where he discussed joint investments. Gul was accompanied by Kursad Tuzmen, the state minister responsible for foreign trade, and Minister of Energy Hilmi Guler, as well as a large delegation of Turkish businessmen. Foreign Minister Ali Babacan joined the delegation for part of the trip.

                  The Russian side elevated Gul's trip from the previously announced status of an "official visit" to a "state visit," the highest level of state protocol, indicating the value Moscow attaches to Turkey. Gul and Medvedev signed a joint declaration announcing their commitment to deepening mutual friendship and multi-dimensional cooperation. The declaration mirrors a previous "Joint Declaration on the Intensification of Friendship and Multidimensional Partnership," signed during a landmark visit by then-President Putin in 2004 (Today's Zaman, February 14).

                  Indeed, Turkish-Russian economic ties have flourished over the past decade, with trade volume reaching $32 billion in 2008, making Russia Turkey's number one partner. Given this background, bilateral economic ties were quite naturally a major item on Gul's agenda and both leaders expressed their satisfaction with the growing commerce between their countries.

                  Cooperation in energy is the major area of mutual economic activity. Turkey's gas and oil imports from Russia account for most of the trade volume. Russian press reports indicate that the two sides are interested in improving cooperation in energy transportation lines carrying Russian gas to European markets through Turkey (www.cnnturk.com, February 14).

                  Moreover, Russia is playing a major part in Turkey's attempts to diversify its energy sources. Cooperation in nuclear energy is particularly important in light of Turkey's plans to introduce nuclear power. A Russian-led consortium won the tender for the construction of Turkey's first nuclear plant; but since the price the consortium offered for electricity was above world prices, the future of the project, which is awaiting parliamentary approval, remains unclear (EDM, January 26). Prior to Gul's visit to Moscow, the Russian consortium submitted a revised offer, reducing the price by 30 percent (www.ntvmsnbc.com.tr, February 14). If this revision is found legal under the tender rules, the positive mood during Gul's trip may indicate the Turkish government is ready to finally give the go-ahead for the project.

                  The Russian market also plays a major role for Turkish overseas investments and exports. Russia is one of the main customers for Turkish construction firms and a major destination for Turkish exports. Similarly, millions of Russian tourists bring significant revenues to Turkey every year.

                  Nonetheless, a huge trade imbalance in Russia's favor due to Turkey's heavy dependence on Russian gas and oil continues to be a major concern for the Turkish side. Despite commitments to fix the trade imbalance made during Putin's 2004 visit, the gap is still there. It remains to be seen whether this trip will produce concrete results on that count, but so far the only news is that the two sides may start to use the Turkish lira and the Russian ruble in foreign trade, which might increase Turkish exports to Russia (Hurriyet, February 15).

                  Other economic issues causing problems in Turkish-Russian commercial relations were also addressed. Ankara is particularly disturbed by difficulties encountered by Turkish goods at the Russian border. In response to Gul's request for help on that issue, Medvedev reiterated the Russian position that strict inspection rules on trucks were being applied to all countries and Turkey was not specifically discriminated against. Nonetheless, he suggested the establishment of a joint technical delegation to examine the issue (Anadolu Ajansi, February 13). The parties had already agreed in September to simplify customs procedures and the new delegation might contribute to those efforts.

                  A large part of Gul's visit concerned the development of political ties between the two countries. Both leaders repeated the position that, as the two major powers in the area, cooperation between Russia and Turkey was essential to regional peace and stability. Noting he had held fruitful and sincere contacts with his Russian counterparts, Gul said "Russia and Turkey are neighboring countries that are developing their relations on the basis of mutual confidence. I hope this visit will in turn give a new character to our relations" (Hurriyet Daily News, February 13).

                  For their part, the Russians praised Turkey's diplomatic initiatives in the region. Medvedev particularly emphasized his satisfaction with Turkey's actions during the Russian-Georgian war last summer and Turkey's subsequent proposal for the establishment of a Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform (CSCP). Medvedev said the August crisis had demonstrated not only the need for coordination among regional countries to address local challenges, but also their ability to deal with such problems on their own without the involvement of outside powers (www.cnnturk.com, February 13).

                  Medvedev was clearly referring to the exclusion of the United States from attempts to solve regional problems. Indeed, the ease with which Turkey went ahead with the CSCP, bypassing Washington and not seeking transatlantic consensus on Russia, prompted international and Turkish observers to question Turkey's place in the West (EDM, September 2). Since then, attention has been focused on Turkey's determination to follow an independent foreign policy.

                  Economic dependence on Russia, however, reduces Ankara's autonomy and options with regard to Russia in diplomatic affairs. During the Russia-Georgia war, this asymmetric dependence forced Turkey to follow an acquiescent policy toward Moscow. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan acknowledged that dependence on Russia had tied Turkey's hands (EDM, August 27; Milliyet, September 2).

                  This dependence apparently did not bother Turkey very much. Following Gul's visit, some have even described Turkish-Russian relations as a "strategic partnership," a label traditionally used for Turkish-American relations. It remains to be seen how long Ankara can maintain a balancing act between the two major powers when controversial issues such as Russian plans for building a missile shield come onto the agenda.

                  Taken from: http://www.jamestown.org/single/?no_...ash=3e14f744ee
                  If the Russians wanted to ditch Armenians for the Turks, they could do so and still keep Armenia in its orbit.

                  Comment


                  • Re: The Rise of the Russian Empire: Russo-Armenian Relations

                    I don't see anything coming out of this?

                    Turkey is still NATO's playground.

                    Comment


                    • Report: Moscow freezes sale of S-300 to Iran



                      Russia has frozen the sale of the state-of-the-art S-300 anti-aircraft missiles to Iran, the Russian newspaper Kommersant reported Wednesday.

                      Iranian Defense Minister Mostafa Mohammad Najjar was reportedly informed of the decision by his Russian counterpart Anatoly Serdyukov on his visit to Moscow on Wednesday.

                      Russia said the delivery of the systems would be delayed at least until the upcoming meeting between President Dmitry Medvedev and his US counterpart, Barack Obama. Kommersant cited Russia's wish to prevent hindering dialogue with the new US administration.

                      Military diplomatic sources were quoted by Kommersant as saying that the issue had been the focus of Najjar's visit.

                      Israel Radio quoted Moscow sources as saying that apart form the gesture to the Americans, Russia also wanted to avoid ruining a $100 million drone purchase from Israel.

                      On Tuesday, Kommersant that Russia and Iran had already signed an $800 million deal for five of the S-300 systems, but Moscow had not yet decided whether to ratify the sale.

                      The S-300 is one of the most advanced multi-target anti-aircraft missile systems in the world, and has a reported ability to track up to 100 targets simultaneously while engaging up to 12. If Iran were provided with the system, it would significantly complicate any Israeli or US strikes on Iranian nuclear installations.

                      The S-300 system was first deployed by the USSR in 1979 and was designed to defend large industrial and administrative facilities and military bases, and to control airspace against enemy aircraft.

                      It has a range of about 200 km. and can hit targets at altitudes of 27,000 meters. Iran already has Russian-made TOR-M1 surface-to-air missiles, but they have a shorter range than the S-300.

                      Breaking news about Satellite from The Jerusalem Post. Read the latest updates on Satellite including articles, videos, opinions and more.

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