Your Greek Friends Stand Beside You!

[Joseph]

As a Greek, every Armenian i have met has been very kind to me when i told them that im from Greece.I feel very close to the Armenians.My brothers wife is Armenian.We have a lot of things in common.As Joseph said, we should continue to strengthen our relations in all spheres.And as someone who wants to see a stronger Europe i would like to see Armenia join the European Union in the future.

I believe all Armenians hold Greeks in very high esteem. Where I'm from, (the Boston area) there are many mixed Greek-Armenian families.

I hope Armenia follows Greece as an example in regard to state building and that Greece can advise Armenia. Not sure Armenia will ever be invited to attain EU status but I hope they achieve all the necessary quailifications.

During the Ottoman Empire, the Sultans tried to use divide and conquer tactics against our peoples and our common struggle. They failed.

[Joseph]

I wish we had a common border (Armenia and Greece)

[Alexandros]

I wish we had a common border (Armenia and Greece)

I was going to say that but you read my thoughts.

[Joseph]

Interesting Website- Check it out

http://www.lobbyforcyprus.org/

[Alexandros]

http://www.lobbyforcyprus.org/

Good site.Thanks Joseph.

[1.5 million]

Way back when I worked for a number of years at a Greek restaraunt - one that had employees from a number of countries (a regular United Nations) - including waspy Americans and such as well. Even though I was American (and just part Armenian) - I was given priority status above all others (non-Greeks) - they pretty much accepted me as one of their own - full food and (as much as I could) drink privleges!. Of course this even intensified when I brought my Grandmother in one day and she spoke to them fluently in Greek. All the Greeks were impressed. They came to me and said - "she has absolutely no accent - her Greek is perfect" etc) - well of course it would be growing up in Constantinople amid the Greeks! (and she hadn't spoken it in 30 years she told me after...)

[Joseph]

http://www.hellenicnews.com/readnews.html?newsid=7108&lang=US

TURKEY?S DEBT TO ORTHODOX CHRISTIANITY

By

Dr. Christos Evangeliou
Professor of Philosophy


Turkey as a nation is proud of its long history and rightly so. The glorious path of this history, as taught in its schools, took the nomad Turks out of the steppes of central Asia and spread them in all directions. Especially in the South and the West, they were able to establish themselves as the rulers over other and older nations such as the Persians, the Arabs and the Byzantine Greeks. It is not surprising then that even today Western authors who wish to ingratiate themselves with the Turkish ruling elite (and the powerful military that supports it) publish books with such flattering titles as Sons of the Conquerors.
Certainly, it would not be fair to belittle the manliness and the military prowess, which are naturally bred by the Asiatic steppe or the Arabic desert. On the other hand, no one should underestimate the fanatical zeal the religion of Islam can, and historically has inspired the holy warriors to spread their faith to the infidels, to fight them to submission, enslave them in the name of Allah and rule over them for centuries. But, in the case of the Turkish conquest, as well as in the case of the Arabic rapid expansion, goddess tyche or luck was certainly a factor in their military successes.
By the time when Prophet Mohammed preached his message to the faithful Arabs in Mecca and Medina and his successors were ready to spread it to the infidels by the force of neophyte zeal (7th century), the Persians and the Byzantine Greeks had exhausted themselves by constant fighting that went on for many centuries. Besides, the endless Byzantine controversies regarding the shape of the Christological dogma had alienated the Christian populations of the Middle East, Egypt, and North Africa. Like desert scavengers, the Arabs exploited the situation that luck had provided for them. United under the banner of their new faith in Allah, they moved rapidly to conquer and either convert or eliminate the Christian populations of these areas which were soon Islamized.
About five or six centuries later the Turkish nomads, moving slowly down from the central Asian steppes, like packs of wolves, would repeat in the North the Arabic success in the South, with greater ease apparently, and with more spectacular results. They succeeded in capturing Constantinople and overran the Anatolia completely, which Arabs had failed to do, although they had tried hard. The reason for this Turkish “glory” was again an apparent opportunity and good luck rather than, as is usually claimed, the superior military prowess of the Turks or their even greater religious and Islamic zeal.
With regard to the latter, the Turks could not compare or compete with Arabs. Islam, as a new and militant religion, was a product of the genius of Mohammed and the Arabic desert. It was dressed poetically in the flexible and fluid language of the Arabs and only adopted by the Turks later, half-heartedly, conventionally, and conveniently. In retrospect, it would appear that the split and strife within Christendom was the real reason of the Turkish spectacular achievement of conquering and holding on to the Hellenized Eastern half of the Roman Empire for more than half a millennium. Thanks to Mustafa Kemal, they still hold Anatolia, Constantinople, Eastern Thrace, and Northern Cyprus.
It may be simply a historical coincidence, but it is puzzling to consider that the first victory of the Turks over the Byzantine Greeks, in the battle of Mazikert in 1071, came just a few years after the split between Catholic and Orthodox Christianity in 1054. Unexpectedly, the Latin Catholic Christian Church was separated from the Greek Orthodox Eastern Church not only linguistically, culturally, and administratively, but also dogmatically for the first time in the history of Christendom. The split was to become definite, and the gap to grow between the two Churches, after the fourth Crusade, which ended with the capture and looting of Constantinople by the Catholic Crusaders in 2004. The already weak Byzantine Empire was thus mortally wounded and weakened even further. It was divided by the Crusaders into a number of principalities, competing, small, and impotent to withstand the attacks of the Turks who, like scavenging wolves, were waiting to pick up the pieces of the Empire at their convenience and with ease. There is a direct link between the two fateful dates for Constantinople, 1204 and 1453.
Therefore, the cruelty and the foolishness of the fourth Crusade made most of the Byzantine Orthodox Greeks to hate the Catholics with such intensity that they were willing to embrace even the barbaric and Islamic Turks of the East in order to avoid dealing with the schismatic and Catholic Christians of the West.
This consideration would explain nicely the fact that the Turks were able to advance into Greece and the Balkans with relative ease; it would also answer the question why their advance into Europe coincided neatly with the extent of Orthodox Christianity. Apparently the Orthodox Greeks, and other Balkan peoples, had decided to side with the Turks and keep their Orthodox faith supported by the prudent Turkish system of millets. Turkish rule was harsh for the majority of Orthodox population, especially the Greeks, but it allowed the Hierarchy of the Orthodox Church to acquire also limited political powers, similar to those the Papacy had enjoyed during the apex of the Dark Ages.
In this respect, the historical debt of Turkey to the Orthodox Christianity is great. Without the willingness and capacity of the Hierarchy of the Orthodox Church to tolerate, to support, and to prefer the Turkish rule over the Frankish rule, the Ottoman Empire probably would not have expanded as rapidly as it did into South Europe; it would not have extended as far as it did; and, certainly, it would not have lasted as long as it did.
Orthodox Christianity, specifically the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople and New Rome, has been good for Turkey in the past and can be of good service even in the future. It can facilitate again and prepare the way of Turkey?s penetration of Europe.
Ironically, the Turkish diplomacy, in spite of its claims to Byzantine cleverness, does not appear to have grasped the significance of this historic fact; nor has it exploited as yet its diplomatic potency. Turkey still insists in keeping the Theology School of Halki closed. It does not address the Ecumenical Patriarch with his proper title; it harasses it and the Greek minority, as well as the Armenian and the Kurdish, while it knocks desperately at the semi-closed door of the European Union. But its good luck may run out with the time.
There is, however, some room for hope with the recent Election in Turkey and the clear victory of the AKP, the ruling party of Mr. Erdogan. He has proven beyond doubt that he is a charismatic and popular politician. The second term will show whether he will use it for demagogical purposes, and thus become a kind of Turkish Andreas Papandreou; or will he rise to the challenge of the times and become the new Kemal Ataturk. He could then put an end to the long Kamalist regime and its inner contradictions. The most glaring contradiction was Kemal?s effort to bring Turkey closer to Europe in terms of changes in language, education, and law, while he and his successor were trying to get rid of the most European segment of the Turkish population, the Greeks, the Armenians, the Jews.
Erdogan?s new Government will have the opportunity and the power to correct this and other wrongs. He should start with two changes that are easy to make, open the School of Halki and recognize the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople with his historical and legitimate title. These just and prudent acts will help both the economy of Turkey and its process toward the European Union or, at least, a Greek/Turkish reunion.

Dr. Christos Evangeliou is Professor of Hellenic Philosophy at Towson University, and author of several books including the latest, Hellenic Philosophy: Origin and Character.

[Joseph]

US Ethnic Groups Band Together to Send Emergency Aid to Greek Fire
Victims
PR Newswire (US)
Published: Aug 31, 2007


WASHINGTON, Aug. 31 /PRNewswire/ -- The American Hellenic Educational
Progressive Association (AHEPA), the leading association for the
nation's 1.3 million American citizens of Greek ancestry, and
Philhellenes, announced the creation of a coalition effort to raise
emergency relief funding for those affected by the recent rash of
wildfires throughout Greece. The coalition currently consists of the
following national ethic organizations: Armenian Americans - The
Armenian National Committee of America Italian Americans - The National
Italian American Foundation Jewish Americans - B'nai B'rith
International Serbian Americans - Serbian Unity Congress

These organizations are asking their members to make tax deductible
donations through the AHEPA website (www.ahepa.org) into a special
"Emergency Greek Fire Relief Fund." 100% of the proceeds will go
directly to the people of Greece.

AHEPA calls on all Americans to join this effort and join the coalition
today. For additional information about AHEPA, how to join the
coalition or to speak to AHEPA's International President, please call
AHEPA Headquarters at 1-202-232-6300.

AHEPA is the largest Greek-American association in the world with
chapters in the United States, Canada, Greece, Cyprus, and sister
chapters in Australia and New Zealand. It was established in 1922 by
visionary Greek Americans to protect Hellenes from prejudice
originating from the KKK, and in its history, AHEPA joined with the
NAACP and B'nai B'rith International to fight discrimination.

The mission of the AHEPA family is to promote the ideals of Hellenism,
education, philanthropy, civic responsibility and family and individual
excellence. Available Topic Expert(s): For information on the listed
expert(s), click appropriate link. Ike Gulas - AHEPA

http://profnet.prnewswire.com/Subscriber/ExpertProfile.aspx?ei=65277

The American Hellenic Educational Progressive Association

CONTACT: Michael A. Zachariades of The American Hellenic Educational
Progressive Association, +1-202-232-6300, Ext. 204,
[email protected], or Weekend - after hours Robin Oliver,
+1-205-612-0551, [email protected]

Web site: http://www.ahepa.org/

[Joseph]

Today is the anniversary of the Greek Pogroms in Istanbul 1955

I realize what I have below is from Wikipedia but it still a pretty accurate article nonetheless



Istanbul Pogrom

The Istanbul Pogrom (also known as Istanbul Riots; Greek: ???????????? (Events of September); Turkish: 6–7 Eylül Olaylar? (Events of September 6-7)), was a pogrom directed primarily at Istanbul's 100,000-strong Greek minority on September 6 and 7, 1955. Jews and Armenians living in the city and their businesses were also targeted in the pogrom, which was orchestrated by the Demokrat Parti-government of Turkish Prime Minister Adnan Menderes. The events were triggered by the false news that the house in Thessaloniki (Turkish: Selânik), Greece, where Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born in 1881, had been bombed the day before.[1]
A Turkish mob, most of which was trucked into the city in advance, assaulted Istanbul’s Greek community for nine hours. Although the orchestrators of the pogrom did not explicitly call for Greeks to be killed, between 13 and 16 Greeks (including two Orthodox clerics) and at least one Armenian died during or after the pogrom as a result of beatings and arsons.[2]

Thirty-two Greeks were severely wounded. In addition, dozens of Greek women were raped, and a number of men were forcibly circumcised by the mob. 4,348 Greek-owned businesses, 110 hotels, 27 pharmacies, 23 schools, 21 factories, 73 churches and over a thousand Greek-owned homes were badly damaged or destroyed.[2]

Estimates of the economic cost of the damage vary from Turkish government's estimate of 69.5 million Turkish lira (equivalent to 24.8 million USD[3]), the British diplomat estimates of 100 million GBP (about 200 million USD), the World Council of Churches’ estimate of 150 million USD, and the Greek government's estimate of 500 million USD.[2]
The pogrom greatly accelerated emigration of ethnic Greeks from the Istanbul region (the former Constantinople), reducing the 200,000-strong Greek minority in 1924 to just over 5,000 in 2005.[4]

[Joseph]

Background

[edit]The Greeks of Constantinople/Istanbul
Constantinople (modern Istanbul) was the capital of the Byzantine Empire until 1453, when the city was conquered by Ottoman forces. A large Greek community continued to live in the city. The city’s Greek population, particularly the Phanariotes, came to play a significant role in the social and economic life of the city and in the political and diplomatic life of the Ottoman Empire in general. This continued after the establishment of an independent Greek state in 1829, as well. A number of ethnic Greeks served in the Ottoman diplomatic service in the 19th century.
Following the Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922), the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, the forcible population exchange resulted in the uprooting of all Greeks in Turkey (and Turks in Greece) from where many of them had lived for centuries. But due to the Greeks' strong emotional attachment to their ancient capital as well as the importance of the Ecumenical Patriarchate for Greek and worldwide orthodoxy, the Greek population of Constantinople – officially Istanbul from 1930 onward – was specifically exempted and allowed to stay in place. Nevertheless, this population began to decline, as evidenced by demographic statistics.
Punitive measures, such as the 1932 parliamentary law, barred Greek citizens living in Turkey from a series of 30 trades and professions from tailor and carpenter to medicine, law and real estate.[2] The Varl?k Vergisi capital gains tax imposed in 1942 also served to reduce the economic potential of Greek businesspeople in Turkey.
[edit]Context
Since 1954, a number of nationalist student and irredentist organizations, such as the National Federation of Turkish Students, the National Union of Turkish Students, and Hikmet Bilâ's (editor of the major newspaper Hürriyet) Cyprus is Turkish Party, had protested against the Greek minority and the Ecumenical Patriarchate.[2]
In 1955, a state-supported propaganda campaign involving the Turkish press galvanized public opinion against the Greek minority.[2]
In the weeks running up to September 6, Turkish leaders made a number of anti-Greek speeches. On August 28 Prime Minister Menderes claimed that Greek Cypriots were planning a massacre of Turkish Cypriots. In addition to the Cyprus issue, the chronic economic situation also motivated the Turkish political leadership into orchestrating the pogrom. Although a minority, the Greek population played a prominent role in the city’s business life, making it a convenient scapegoat during the economic crisis.[2] The pogroms were sparked by an alleged arson attack at the Turkish consulate (and birthplace of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk) in Greece’s second largest city, Thessaloniki.
[edit]The Pogrom

[edit]Planning
The 1961 Yass?ada Trial against Menderes and Foreign Minister Fatin Rü?tü Zorlu exposed the detailed planning of the pogrom. Menderes and Zorlu mobilized the formidable machinery of the ruling Demokrat Parti (DP) and party-controlled trade unions of Istanbul. Interior minister Namik Gedik was also involved. According to Zorlu's lawyer at the Yassiada trial, a mob of 300,000 was marshalled in a radius of 40 miles (60 km) around the city for the pogrom.[2]
The trial also revealed that the fuse for the consulate bomb was sent from Turkey to Thessaloniki on September 3. Oktay Engin, the MAH agent, who was then in Thessaloniki under the cover of a university student, was given the mission of installing the explosives.[2]
In addition, ten of Istanbul’s 18 branches of Cyprus is Turkish Party were run by DP officials. This organization played a crucial role in inciting anti-Greek activities.[2]
In his 2005 book, Harvard-trained Byzantine historian Speros Vryonis documents the direct role of the Demokrat Parti organization and government-controlled trade unions in amassing the rioters that swept Istanbul. Most of the rioters came from western Asia Minor. His case study of Eski?ehir shows how the party there recruited 400 to 500 workers from local factories, who were carted by train with third class-tickets to Istanbul. These recruits were promised the equivalent of US$ 6, which was never paid. They were accompanied by Eski?ehir police, who were charged with coordinating the destruction and looting once the contingent was broken up into sub-groups of 40–50 men, and the leaders of the party branches.[2]
[edit]Execution
Municipal and government trucks were placed in strategic points all around the city to distribute the tools of destruction; shovels, pickaxes, crowbars, ramming rods and petrol; while 4,000 private taxis were requisitioned to transport the perpetrators.[2]
A protest rally on the night of September 6, organized by the authorities in Istanbul, on the Cyprus issue and the alleged arson attack in Thessaloniki at the house where Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was born, was the cover for amassing the rioters. At 17.00, the pogrom started and from its original centre in Taksim Square, the trouble rippled out during the evening through the old suburb of Pera, the smashing and looting of Greek commercial property, particularly along Yuksek Kaldirim street. By 18.00, many of the Greek shops on Istanbul's main shopping street, Istiklal Caddesi, were ransacked. Many commercial streets were littered with merchandise and fittings torn out of Greek-owned businesses.
According to the account of one eyewitness, a Greek dentist, the mob chanted "Death to the Gavurs" (English: infidels), "Massacre the Greek traitors", "Down with Europe" and "Onward to Athens and Thessaloniki" as they executed the pogrom.
The riot died down by midnight with the intervention of the Turkish Army and martial law was declared. Eyewitnesses reported, however, that army officers and policemen had earlier participated in the rampages and in many cases urged the rioters on.