The Honorable William J. Clinton
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Re: Joint U.S. Military Exercises with Turkey and Israel
Dear Mr. President,
The media reports of the Reliant Mermaid-99 joint naval exercises that took place on December 15 among the U.S., Israel and Turkey are disturbing. The spectacle of the world's leading democracy and Israel, the Middle East's only democracy, joining forces with the military-controlled state of Turkey is alarming to anyone who believes in the values of democracy.
Let us consider briefly the nature of the Turkish state:
1. As the European Union's application of strict conditionality to Turkey's candidacy for the EU shows, Turkey is not a democratic state. Under its constitution the Turkish military exercises key control over foreign and domestic policy;
2. Turkey is a state in which, as documented by the State Department, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other organizations, torture, police brutality, arbitrary arrest and illegal detention are commonplace;
3. As documented by the November 1999 report "The Wall of Denial: Internal Displacement in Turkey" prepared by the U.S. Committee for Refugees, Turkey is carrying out pogroms against its Kurdish minority that truly merit the description of genocide and ethnic cleansing; and
4. Turkey collaborated with Nazi Germany in supplying vital chromium ore for the Nazi war machine which prolonged World War II by several months and thereby increased the number of allied casualties and Holocaust victims. As the official U.S. Government report made clear, Turkey has still refused to make any restitution of Nazi gold and other assets it obtained as the fruits of this collaboration.
The rationale of the entrenched bureaucracy in the State and Defense Departments for overlooking this grisly record is that security takes precedence over democratic values. Whether or not this had any validity during the Cold War (and we do not believe that it did), there is a wide recognition that this is no longer the case today.
Let us further consider the internal contradictions of the Israel-Turkey relationship. The natural purpose of defense alliances is to enhance the mutual defense capabilities of the contracting parties. Normally, the parties concerned are mutually compatible and the arrangement is for the long-term. The Turkey-Israel relationship does not pass this test. Israel is a democracy while Turkey's government is controlled by the military. The relationship is manifestly opportunistic and could be abandoned at a moment's notice by either side. There are already signs that the new Israeli leadership under Prime Minister Ehud Barak places a less high priority on the Turkish connection.
On the Israeli side, even analysts who favor the relationship are clear about the pact's limitations. For example, on September 6, 1998 Mr. Amikam Nahmani, a senior lecturer with the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, commented at a lecture at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars that "it would be far-fetched to say it is a defense strategic pact. Nobody expects Turkish soldiers to come and defend us, or us to go defend them."
Instead of seeing the Turkish relationship as adding to their security, Israel seems to regard the pact as an opening to sell Turkey advanced weaponry and to test-fly aircraft over Turkish airspace. The relationship may also act as a bargaining chip in Israel's dealings with Syria. With the striking progress being made toward Israel-Syria rapprochement in view, this may be counter-productive.
On the Turkish side, the defense relationship with Israel has allegedly brought gains in U.S. lobbying, but has complicated Turkey's relationship with the Islamic world. Moderate Arab states, notably Egypt, are equally alarmed. Turkey regularly comes under attack in the Arab League and Organization of Islamic Conference for its relationship with Israel. Indeed, Egypt has spoken of forming a counter organization. It is noteworthy that Egypt declined to participate in this exercise.
This concern about hostile regional reaction is, of course, additional to the moral dimension whereby U.S. and Israeli military cooperation with Turkey has made both countries accomplices to Turkey's human rights abuses. Given that any Israeli-provided weaponry is most likely to be used for Turkey's war and ethnic cleansing against its Kurdish minority (often likened to genocide), this is a stain on Israel's moral principles. If any country should be sensitive to genocide, it is Israel. This support for Turkey is a stain on both U.S. and Israeli honor.
In your recent visit to Greece you issued a very welcome statement of regret over the US failure to oppose the Greek military junta. In your March 10, 1999 visit to Guatemala, you said that "support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake."
These are precisely the right sentiments. Appeasement of military regimes is not something that the US should be doing. Retrospective regret, however, is not enough. We must abandon present day instances of this appeasement. The most egregious case is Turkey.
I urge you to think how you can bring our relationship with Turkey into conformity with your own words. An apology for the U.S. role in Turkey's 1974 invasion and continuing occupation of 37.3 percent of Cyprus would be an important start.
The Turkey-Israel defense relationship is not in the best interests of the U.S. The only beneficiary is the Turkish military, not the Turkish people. I urge you, Mr. President, to reconsider U.S. support for this ill-conceived policy.
Respectfully,
Eugene T. Rossides
cc: Members of the Congress
Vice President Albert Gore, Jr.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
Secretary of Defense William Cohen
Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Marc Grossman
U.S. Ambassadors to Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and NATO
Assistant to the President on National Security Affairs Samuel Berger
President of the United States
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500
Re: Joint U.S. Military Exercises with Turkey and Israel
Dear Mr. President,
The media reports of the Reliant Mermaid-99 joint naval exercises that took place on December 15 among the U.S., Israel and Turkey are disturbing. The spectacle of the world's leading democracy and Israel, the Middle East's only democracy, joining forces with the military-controlled state of Turkey is alarming to anyone who believes in the values of democracy.
Let us consider briefly the nature of the Turkish state:
1. As the European Union's application of strict conditionality to Turkey's candidacy for the EU shows, Turkey is not a democratic state. Under its constitution the Turkish military exercises key control over foreign and domestic policy;
2. Turkey is a state in which, as documented by the State Department, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and other organizations, torture, police brutality, arbitrary arrest and illegal detention are commonplace;
3. As documented by the November 1999 report "The Wall of Denial: Internal Displacement in Turkey" prepared by the U.S. Committee for Refugees, Turkey is carrying out pogroms against its Kurdish minority that truly merit the description of genocide and ethnic cleansing; and
4. Turkey collaborated with Nazi Germany in supplying vital chromium ore for the Nazi war machine which prolonged World War II by several months and thereby increased the number of allied casualties and Holocaust victims. As the official U.S. Government report made clear, Turkey has still refused to make any restitution of Nazi gold and other assets it obtained as the fruits of this collaboration.
The rationale of the entrenched bureaucracy in the State and Defense Departments for overlooking this grisly record is that security takes precedence over democratic values. Whether or not this had any validity during the Cold War (and we do not believe that it did), there is a wide recognition that this is no longer the case today.
Let us further consider the internal contradictions of the Israel-Turkey relationship. The natural purpose of defense alliances is to enhance the mutual defense capabilities of the contracting parties. Normally, the parties concerned are mutually compatible and the arrangement is for the long-term. The Turkey-Israel relationship does not pass this test. Israel is a democracy while Turkey's government is controlled by the military. The relationship is manifestly opportunistic and could be abandoned at a moment's notice by either side. There are already signs that the new Israeli leadership under Prime Minister Ehud Barak places a less high priority on the Turkish connection.
On the Israeli side, even analysts who favor the relationship are clear about the pact's limitations. For example, on September 6, 1998 Mr. Amikam Nahmani, a senior lecturer with the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, commented at a lecture at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars that "it would be far-fetched to say it is a defense strategic pact. Nobody expects Turkish soldiers to come and defend us, or us to go defend them."
Instead of seeing the Turkish relationship as adding to their security, Israel seems to regard the pact as an opening to sell Turkey advanced weaponry and to test-fly aircraft over Turkish airspace. The relationship may also act as a bargaining chip in Israel's dealings with Syria. With the striking progress being made toward Israel-Syria rapprochement in view, this may be counter-productive.
On the Turkish side, the defense relationship with Israel has allegedly brought gains in U.S. lobbying, but has complicated Turkey's relationship with the Islamic world. Moderate Arab states, notably Egypt, are equally alarmed. Turkey regularly comes under attack in the Arab League and Organization of Islamic Conference for its relationship with Israel. Indeed, Egypt has spoken of forming a counter organization. It is noteworthy that Egypt declined to participate in this exercise.
This concern about hostile regional reaction is, of course, additional to the moral dimension whereby U.S. and Israeli military cooperation with Turkey has made both countries accomplices to Turkey's human rights abuses. Given that any Israeli-provided weaponry is most likely to be used for Turkey's war and ethnic cleansing against its Kurdish minority (often likened to genocide), this is a stain on Israel's moral principles. If any country should be sensitive to genocide, it is Israel. This support for Turkey is a stain on both U.S. and Israeli honor.
In your recent visit to Greece you issued a very welcome statement of regret over the US failure to oppose the Greek military junta. In your March 10, 1999 visit to Guatemala, you said that "support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake."
These are precisely the right sentiments. Appeasement of military regimes is not something that the US should be doing. Retrospective regret, however, is not enough. We must abandon present day instances of this appeasement. The most egregious case is Turkey.
I urge you to think how you can bring our relationship with Turkey into conformity with your own words. An apology for the U.S. role in Turkey's 1974 invasion and continuing occupation of 37.3 percent of Cyprus would be an important start.
The Turkey-Israel defense relationship is not in the best interests of the U.S. The only beneficiary is the Turkish military, not the Turkish people. I urge you, Mr. President, to reconsider U.S. support for this ill-conceived policy.
Respectfully,
Eugene T. Rossides
cc: Members of the Congress
Vice President Albert Gore, Jr.
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
Secretary of Defense William Cohen
Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott
Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs Marc Grossman
U.S. Ambassadors to Greece, Turkey, Cyprus and NATO
Assistant to the President on National Security Affairs Samuel Berger
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