The term "Greek" or "Hellas" was never used by the multi-ethnic Byzantines to describe themselves. The population of Byzantium referred to themselves as "Roman" or "Rum." Even today, Greeks, being the remnants of Byzantium, are called "Rum" by Turks. Moreover, the official title of Byzantium was the "Eastern Roman Empire." And the official language of the empire was Latin for several centuries before it became Greek. Generally speaking, however, to be an official within the empire one had to be a member of the Greek Orthodox Church. The Imperial Church exerted great influence upon Byzantine society and molded its socio-political character.
Armenian
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If Armenia was strongly influenced by Byzantium, Byzantium was influenced by Armenia in return and, to paraphrase Tournanoff, Armenia gave more than it received. Apart from the Armenians living directly under imperial rule, a continuous stream of Armenians entered the empire for one reason or another over a period of several centuries: adventurers, scholars, clerics, refugees, and large numbers of common people-including the heterodox Paulician sectarians, forced to migrate from Byzantine-occupied Armenia to other parts of the empire by the imperial government itself. These immigrants early distinguished themselves in three environments: the army, the administration, and the general population.
Armenia, as we have seen, was a society dominated by a class of warrior nobility. Thus, when driven from their homeland for whatever reasons, it was natural for Armenian princes to enter the Byzantine military service, and from the time of Justinian I, we find them reaching the highest rank. Justinian himself, who fought wars on three fronts, had no fewer than nineteen Armenian generals in his service, including Narses of the house of Kamsarakan, who was probably the greatest general of his time. Thereafter, we hear of nearly two hundred Armenian officers who distinguished themselves in the imperial service: generals, admirals, officials, exarchs, provincial governors, courtiers, and members of the emperor's entourage.
In the Byzantine administration, civil and ecclesiastical, Kaisar Bardos, who reestablished higher instruction at Constantinople in the ninth century, Leo the Philosopher, who was the most eminent scholar of his day, and the patriarchs Photios (857-858, 877-886) and John the Grammarian (837-843) were all Armenians. In a surprisingly short time, we find Armenians reaching the imperial throne itself, for the Armenians not only served the empire, they ruled it as well, and did so for almost a third of its history. No fewer than sixteen emperors and eleven empresses were of Armenian origin, including Mavridios (Maurice, 582-602), Heraklios (610-642), John Tzimiskes (969-976), and Basil II (976-1025), and Armenians founded three imperial dynasties: the Heraclids (of royal Arsacid origin, 610-711), the Basilids (876-1056), and the Lekapenoi, who interupted the Basilids for twenty five years (920-944).
In addition, there were a number of isolated emperors of Armenian origin: Bardanes (Vardan, 711-713), Artabazdes (Artavazd, 742-743), Leo V "the Armenian" (813-820), and John Tzimiskes (969-976), who, though an emperor, was one of the greatest Byzantine military commanders as well. In addition, there were many Armenians who attempted the throne but failed to achieve it. In the ninth century, the throne, the patriarchate, and the command of the imperial armies were all held by Armenians, and the empire was, in effect, in Armenian hands. Most of these Armenians, of course, were thoroughly Hellenized, membership in the Greek Church being the sine qua non for advancement in the Byzantine world. Others such as the protospatharios John, who commissioned an Armenian Gospel manuscript that still survives remained linked to their own culture. Yet as the Armenians became Hellenized, there seems to be evidence that they, in turn, added something to the oriental influences that pervaded Byzantine civilization, and, as Der Nersessian notes, these appear to have been particularly strong in the realm of decorative arts precisely in the ninth and tenth centuries, when the role of Armenians in the highest levels of Byzantine society was at its height.
Of particular interest is the Basilid Romanus II, who was instrumental in the conversion of the Russians to Christianity and whose sister Anna married Vladimir the Great (980-1015), first Christian prince of Kiev, whose descendants ruled in Muscovy until 1598. One of the daughter of Vladimir and Anna was sent to France, where she married Henry I. One of their granddaughters married the last Saxon king of England; another married a king of Poland. In this way, the blood of the great houses of Armenia passed into those of Europe, east and west. Apart from the dynasties of Armenian origin, we know of many families of Armenian ancestry that figured in the political and military life of the empire: the Koutikes; the Phokades and the houses of Vrakhamios and Musle or Krinites; the Skleroi; the houses of Kourkouas, Makhitar, and Theodorokanos; Melias, Dalassenoi, and Kekaumenoi; and Taronites and their offshoot, the Tornikoi.
The third impact of the Armenians was in the realm of sheer manpower, whereby the Armenians simply added to the general population. Throughout the period of the Roman Empire, the Armenians living in Roman Armenia were eligible to serve in the Roman army, and doubtless many did so. After the loss of the West, however, these Armenians would have become a much higher percentage of the total. Then, after the temporary loss of the Balkans in the sixth century, Armenia replaced this area as the empire's chief recruiting ground. The size of Roman Armenia had grown, moreover with the annexations of 387 and 390; they grew even further with those of 591. This would have meant even more Armenians available to the Byzantine army, and by the late Arab period, the Armenians are estimated to have been some 20%-25% of the total Byzantine troops.
The Armeniakon theme (military province) had a large Armenian population, and the increasing size of this jurisdiction suggests an increasing influx of Armenian settlers. Many Armenians, as we have seen, immigrated to the empire as well, some following their princes, some preferring imperial rule to Persian or Arab, some fleeing the Arab, Khazar, or Turkish invasions, some fleeing justice, some fleeing debt, some who adhered to the imperial church, some simply seeking land or a new life. All of these newcomers swelled the Armenian population upon which the empire was able to draw. Not all the immigration was voluntary, as we have seen, and the Byzantine government often forcibly transferred Armenians from Armenia to various parts of the empire. Some were settled in the Danube Valley to defend the Macedonian passes; others were shipped to Thrace, Sicily, Calabria, Greece, Cyprus, and Crete, or settled in Kilikia after it was recovered from Arab rule. There was a strong pro-Byzantine element in Armenia throughout the Byzantine era, and many Armenians adhered to the Byzantine faith....
Armenian
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From "Armenia: A Historical Atlas" By Robert H. Hewsen:
If Armenia was strongly influenced by Byzantium, Byzantium was influenced by Armenia in return and, to paraphrase Tournanoff, Armenia gave more than it received. Apart from the Armenians living directly under imperial rule, a continuous stream of Armenians entered the empire for one reason or another over a period of several centuries: adventurers, scholars, clerics, refugees, and large numbers of common people-including the heterodox Paulician sectarians, forced to migrate from Byzantine-occupied Armenia to other parts of the empire by the imperial government itself. These immigrants early distinguished themselves in three environments: the army, the administration, and the general population.
Armenia, as we have seen, was a society dominated by a class of warrior nobility. Thus, when driven from their homeland for whatever reasons, it was natural for Armenian princes to enter the Byzantine military service, and from the time of Justinian I, we find them reaching the highest rank. Justinian himself, who fought wars on three fronts, had no fewer than nineteen Armenian generals in his service, including Narses of the house of Kamsarakan, who was probably the greatest general of his time. Thereafter, we hear of nearly two hundred Armenian officers who distinguished themselves in the imperial service: generals, admirals, officials, exarchs, provincial governors, courtiers, and members of the emperor's entourage.
In the Byzantine administration, civil and ecclesiastical, Kaisar Bardos, who reestablished higher instruction at Constantinople in the ninth century, Leo the Philosopher, who was the most eminent scholar of his day, and the patriarchs Photios (857-858, 877-886) and John the Grammarian (837-843) were all Armenians. In a surprisingly short time, we find Armenians reaching the imperial throne itself, for the Armenians not only served the empire, they ruled it as well, and did so for almost a third of its history. No fewer than sixteen emperors and eleven empresses were of Armenian origin, including Mavridios (Maurice, 582-602), Heraklios (610-642), John Tzimiskes (969-976), and Basil II (976-1025), and Armenians founded three imperial dynasties: the Heraclids (of royal Arsacid origin, 610-711), the Basilids (876-1056), and the Lekapenoi, who interupted the Basilids for twenty five years (920-944).
In addition, there were a number of isolated emperors of Armenian origin: Bardanes (Vardan, 711-713), Artabazdes (Artavazd, 742-743), Leo V "the Armenian" (813-820), and John Tzimiskes (969-976), who, though an emperor, was one of the greatest Byzantine military commanders as well. In addition, there were many Armenians who attempted the throne but failed to achieve it. In the ninth century, the throne, the patriarchate, and the command of the imperial armies were all held by Armenians, and the empire was, in effect, in Armenian hands. Most of these Armenians, of course, were thoroughly Hellenized, membership in the Greek Church being the sine qua non for advancement in the Byzantine world. Others such as the protospatharios John, who commissioned an Armenian Gospel manuscript that still survives remained linked to their own culture. Yet as the Armenians became Hellenized, there seems to be evidence that they, in turn, added something to the oriental influences that pervaded Byzantine civilization, and, as Der Nersessian notes, these appear to have been particularly strong in the realm of decorative arts precisely in the ninth and tenth centuries, when the role of Armenians in the highest levels of Byzantine society was at its height.
Of particular interest is the Basilid Romanus II, who was instrumental in the conversion of the Russians to Christianity and whose sister Anna married Vladimir the Great (980-1015), first Christian prince of Kiev, whose descendants ruled in Muscovy until 1598. One of the daughter of Vladimir and Anna was sent to France, where she married Henry I. One of their granddaughters married the last Saxon king of England; another married a king of Poland. In this way, the blood of the great houses of Armenia passed into those of Europe, east and west. Apart from the dynasties of Armenian origin, we know of many families of Armenian ancestry that figured in the political and military life of the empire: the Koutikes; the Phokades and the houses of Vrakhamios and Musle or Krinites; the Skleroi; the houses of Kourkouas, Makhitar, and Theodorokanos; Melias, Dalassenoi, and Kekaumenoi; and Taronites and their offshoot, the Tornikoi.
The third impact of the Armenians was in the realm of sheer manpower, whereby the Armenians simply added to the general population. Throughout the period of the Roman Empire, the Armenians living in Roman Armenia were eligible to serve in the Roman army, and doubtless many did so. After the loss of the West, however, these Armenians would have become a much higher percentage of the total. Then, after the temporary loss of the Balkans in the sixth century, Armenia replaced this area as the empire's chief recruiting ground. The size of Roman Armenia had grown, moreover with the annexations of 387 and 390; they grew even further with those of 591. This would have meant even more Armenians available to the Byzantine army, and by the late Arab period, the Armenians are estimated to have been some 20%-25% of the total Byzantine troops.
The Armeniakon theme (military province) had a large Armenian population, and the increasing size of this jurisdiction suggests an increasing influx of Armenian settlers. Many Armenians, as we have seen, immigrated to the empire as well, some following their princes, some preferring imperial rule to Persian or Arab, some fleeing the Arab, Khazar, or Turkish invasions, some fleeing justice, some fleeing debt, some who adhered to the imperial church, some simply seeking land or a new life. All of these newcomers swelled the Armenian population upon which the empire was able to draw. Not all the immigration was voluntary, as we have seen, and the Byzantine government often forcibly transferred Armenians from Armenia to various parts of the empire. Some were settled in the Danube Valley to defend the Macedonian passes; others were shipped to Thrace, Sicily, Calabria, Greece, Cyprus, and Crete, or settled in Kilikia after it was recovered from Arab rule. There was a strong pro-Byzantine element in Armenia throughout the Byzantine era, and many Armenians adhered to the Byzantine faith....
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