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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
^^^ Well it's an oppressive dictatorship, what else you expect?
^^^ Well it's an oppressive dictatorship, what else you expect?
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Մեկ Ազգ, Մեկ Մշակույթ
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"Western Assimilation is the greatest threat to the Armenian nation since the Armenian Genocide." -
Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
But Rabiyyat Aslanova said there were no problems in Azerbaijan in terms of protection of human rights, freedom of speech and expression adding that these issues were regulated by law?Originally posted by Mos View Post
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
Azerbaijan Puts Skype in Its Sights
May 4, 2011 - 7:50am
Tamada Tales Azerbaijan Media Azerbaijan Politics
They've already done battle with Facebook. And now Azerbaijani officials have identified yet another online "wascally wascal" -- Internet-based telephone network Skype.
"This system creates a definite risk to the electronic security of many countries, and Azerbaijan is not an exception," Communications and Information Technology Minister Ali Abbasov asserted on May 3. (Blackberries, however, get the all-clear.)
Taking e-security matters in hand, Azerbaijan plans to update its criminal code with some thoughts on "cyber crimes." The amendments are "expected to be adopted in the near future," according to one security official.
What exactly those crimes will entail is not clear, but, already, steps are being taken to address the needs of the most frequent of Facebook and Skype users -- youth.
A selection of student activists and young Azerbaijanis "who succeeded in different fields" gathered "the most pleasant impressions" from an April 21 meeting with President Ilham Aliyev, News.az tells us.
(Not among their number was opposition youth activist Jabbar Savalan, who was sentenced to two-and-a-half years in prison on May 4 for alleged possession of narcotics, Contact.az reports. )
The chitchat focused on a youth program that plans to bolster employment, make home mortgages affordable, encourage physical activity, and, now, for good measure, "amend" Azerbaijan's history textbooks.
"We need young people [to have] deeply mastered the history and the national idea of Azerbaijan," Elnur Aslanov, director of the presidential administration's Political Analysis and Information Department, elaborated on May 3.
Mastering the art of spin control, however, does not appear to be on the program agenda.
In a debate about the program, the education ministry on May 3 called for guns to be allowed back into Azerbaijani schools to provide youngsters with the rudiments of military training.(Maybe they should allow kids to carry guns, more friendly fire related deaths, also while Armenia is teaching chess in schools, azeris will be teaching there kids to shoot. Which is more civilized?)
The proposal may ring a tad off-key to many who remember the 2009 shooting spree at Baku State Oil Academy that left 13 people dead, but, if so, officials did not address the disharmony.
Last edited by ninetoyadome; 05-04-2011, 10:44 AM.Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
Indeed, it is obvious how such a regime would benefit by diverting attention to "external threats". An extral enemy sure comes in handy when ur faced with internal opposoition to ur regime. Which raises the question: assuming the dictatorship in azerbiajan is overthrow, how do you see regime change affecting relations with armenia and the karabakh issue?Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
Mass clashes with police in front of the faithful Ministry of Education (Video - Photos)
Several hundred people met today to the Ministry of Education protest against the ban on headscarves in schools, introduced in November last year.
Participants of the rally chanted: "Allahu Akbar!" And demanded the resignation of Education Minister Misir Mardanov.
The police and plainclothes thugs tried to disperse the participants began their promotions beaten with truncheons, including women. Got well and journalists, who also beat and tried to take still and video camera, preventing the conduct of surveys.
During the confrontation, one of the participants shares lost consciousness, dozens of people were beaten and detained.
Nevertheless, the protesters had a police resistance and refused to disperse. The confrontation moved into the neighboring streets. In response to police violence, they flew the stones. Confused police did not dare continue to pursue the faithful.
Today's action was the first mass protest believers after his arrest earlier this year and the leader of a group of activists of the Islamic Party of Azerbaijan.
Earlier, on December 10 before the Education Ministry has already carried out such an action, but it was not so cruel.
* The ban on wearing the hijab was introduced about six months ago, when the Education Ministry has banned female students start wearing head scarves to school. After that, dozens of students in 25 schools around the capital have stopped attending classes.
Contact.az
Last edited by ninetoyadome; 05-06-2011, 02:23 PM.Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
While international calls for his release (such as this one in France) may not have had an immediate effect, Eynulla Fatullayev says, "They couldn't have killed me with everyone watching."
Fatullayev: 'I'm Still Here -- Alive, Working, and Telling the Truth'
Features
October 03, 2011
By Daisy Sindelar
Ask Azerbaijani journalist Eynulla Fatullayev about his four years in prison, and he'll answer not so much with words as with authors.
It was the Soviet emigre writer Sergei Dovlatov whose works were seized by guards in the early months of his sentence as "prison propaganda." Then, when prison authorities relented, it was the early 20th-century Russian poet Sergei Yesenin whom he read just before settling into an uneasy night's sleep.
And it was Ernest Hemingway, in his novel "The Old Man and The Sea," who gave Fatullayev the phrase he clung to throughout his four-year ordeal: "A man can be destroyed but not defeated."
"Without books, I would have been broken," says Fatullayev, a cherubic 35-year-old who was finally released from prison in May after a massive international campaign by free-speech groups and personal advocates like Council of Europe human rights chief Thomas Hammarberg. "Unfortunately for them, my tormentors didn't understand the importance of books."
One of the greatest sources of solace, Fatullayev said during a recent visit to Prague, was Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.
"I said to myself: 'Look, people were surviving life in Stalinist prison camps. They didn't break. They survived. They even continued to fight,'" he says. "Solzhenitsyn of course wrote beautifully about all that in 'Gulag Archipelago,' 'First Circle,' and other works.
"So I said to myself, you've even got Hammarberg coming to see you. Ambassadors are able visit you. You can send out newspaper articles talking about what you're going through. But people 70 years ago didn't have any of those things! And they didn't break. They continued to fight. So are you really such a weakling that you can't survive this?"
'You Sleep With One Eye Open'
Fatullayev, whose thick black brows frame a face that is alternately playful and grim, takes frequent such jabs at himself. But he reserves his harshest scorn for the regime of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, who he says has reduced his country to a "political desert."
Eynulla Fatullayev: "Without books, I would have been broken."
Once the co-editor of two influential opposition newspapers -- the Russian-language "Realny Azerbaijan" and the Azeri-language "Gundelik Azerbaycan" -- Fatullayev was jailed in 2007 after being convicted on charges relating to comments on the Khojaly massacre, a bloody slaughter of ethnic Azeris in the emotionally fraught Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Fatullayev defends his 2005 comments -- which held Azerbaijani fighters, not Armenians, responsible for the 1992 killings -- as consistent with those put forward by the Azerbaijani government itself, but says the regime has long sought to use the Khojaly events to persecute its opponents.
"Look at Ayaz Mutalibov, the first president of Azerbaijan," he says. "He's still under criminal investigation, and for what? Complicity in the Khojaly events. Officially he is charged with failing to protect his citizens and exposing them to danger. Fahmin Hajiyev, the head of Azerbaijan's interior troops of the country, spent 11 years in prison because of the Khojaly events.
"Every year, Azerbaijani television shows some strange little groups of people demonstrating and holding portraits of Azerbaijanis who are considered -- by the Azerbaijani government, not by me, the government was the one who demonstrated it -- to have participated in the Khojaly massacre. The Azerbaijani government itself used the Khojaly issue to undermine the reputation of the Azerbaijani opposition who had been in power at the time. And then to turn it around and put all the responsibility on me -- to arrest a journalist -- it's nonsense, it's a disgrace perpetrated by the Azeri government."
Most saw Khojaly as a pretext for Baku's greater discomfort over Fatullayev's critical reporting on the ruling regime, most notably Interior Minister Ramil Usubov, whom he accused of close ties to a former ministry official on trial for murder and kidnapping.
Fatullayev had already sustained a brutal beating on the street, and seen his father kidnapped and his colleague Elmar Huseynov murdered. Once he was imprisoned, officials continued the pressure, adding an additional two years to his sentence after allegedly finding heroin in his cell and subjecting Fatullayev to increasingly dismal conditions, including a 15-day wintertime internment in a "kartser," a Soviet-era concrete confinement cell.
"The only way to survive was to remain constantly in motion," he said. "If I stood still for even a moment, I would have died. I didn't sleep for 15 days, and I was constantly moving around. The windows were open to the outdoors and there was no bed. There was one very, very small heater, but then they turned that off as well. There were moments when I didn't know what to do, how to go on living."
Eventually, Fatullayev says, he learned how to draw strength from his suffering. "I trained myself. I obligated myself to continue my work," he says. "It's a very complicated philosophy, something you can only experience in prison. When you're in a constantly mobilized situation, you don't have the right to relax. You even sleep with one eye open, because someone might try to kill you. It was a terrifying kind of lesson in survival."
Life, And Love, After Prison
Throughout his ordeal, Fatullayev managed to smuggle out articles and letters detailing his experience in jail, even as his lawyers were themselves pressured and frequently forced out of work. (He currently writes a blog about his memories of prison for RFE/RL's Azerbaijani Service.)
He also briefly found solace in a prison-time friendship with a fellow jailed journalist, blogger Emin Milli, who was serving a 17-month term for hooliganism. The two men were held in separate cell blocks, but could communicate by shouting across a courtyard and by writing letters back and forth.
Milli, who was released in late 2010, has since faced an uncertain future in Azerbaijan. Unable to find work and divorced by his wife, whose family was being systematically forced out of their own jobs because of their association with the journalist, Milli has since traveled to England for training.
Eynulla Fatullayev and his wife, Nigar, spoke to RFE/RL at its Prague headquarters.
Fatullayev -- who himself is a newlywed, married in late September -- says he's devastated by what's happened to his friend. But he says he's determined to stay in Azerbaijan, despite the fact that his new wife has also been warned by her family, many of whom work for the state administration, to steer clear of life with an opposition journalist.
Nigar Fatullayeva, a gynecological surgeon, says she has no doubts about the match, adding, "a doctor can always earn money, no matter what happens." A childhood friend of Eynulla's, Nigar had virtually no communication with the journalist during his time in jail, and acknowledges that Eynulla's troubles may continue. But she exudes a newlywed's confidence that a person is judged by the strength of his character and that all, ultimately, will be well.
"Maybe he'll be in prison again. Maybe more of these unbelievable things will happen to him," she says. "We had a very important discussion before our marriage, and I told him, 'I'm ready to be with you until the end.' I know what I'm getting into. And I will always support him, because every man should know that he's got someone behind him, and that he can count on that.
"We have a very strong family -- even if it's officially only three days old at this point. But I think it will last for 30 or 40 more years. As much as fate allows."
"A very optimistic prognosis," Fatullayev adds dryly, and the couple collapses into laughter.
Armed To Fight?
Fatullayev is perhaps the Azerbaijani journalist who is best known to the international community. Reporters Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) both repeatedly challenged his sentence, and Amnesty International named him a prisoner of conscience. The European Court of Human Rights ruled on Fatullayev's behalf a full year before he was finally released by a presidential pardon. And next month, he and Nigar will travel to New York to receive the CPJ press-freedom award he was given, but unable to accept, in 2009.
The attention, he says, may not have immediately secured his freedom, but he does feel it may have saved his life in prison. "They couldn't have killed me with everyone watching," he says. But whether it will continue to shield him from further persecution remains to be seen.
For now, he is content to continue blogging and living slightly under the radar. But he is eager to return to newspaper publishing, and he believes thousands of Azerbaijanis are eager for it as well. "My friends want me to leave Azerbaijan, to go teach journalism someplace safe," he says. "But I don't want to give my captors the satisfaction. I want them to know: I'm still here -- alive, working, and telling the truth."
For now, however, he acknowledges that prospects for Azerbaijan look bleak. "I was arrested and jailed in one country," he says. "And freed in a completely different one."
His country, he says, is "witnessing a transformation from authoritarianism to totalitarianism. And the first signs of a totalitarian system are limits on the right to expression and freedom of speech. Our imitation democracy is over, any early signs of liberalism were nipped in the bud. So it's very difficult to live in this country, let alone to resume journalistic work."
Link
This guy is truly brave. Read especially this part of the article:
Once the co-editor of two influential opposition newspapers -- the Russian-language "Realny Azerbaijan" and the Azeri-language "Gundelik Azerbaycan" -- Fatullayev was jailed in 2007 after being convicted on charges relating to comments on the Khojaly massacre, a bloody slaughter of ethnic Azeris in the emotionally fraught Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia.
Fatullayev defends his 2005 comments -- which held Azerbaijani fighters, not Armenians, responsible for the 1992 killings -- as consistent with those put forward by the Azerbaijani government itself, but says the regime has long sought to use the Khojaly events to persecute its opponents.
"Look at Ayaz Mutalibov, the first president of Azerbaijan," he says. "He's still under criminal investigation, and for what? Complicity in the Khojaly events. Officially he is charged with failing to protect his citizens and exposing them to danger. Fahmin Hajiyev, the head of Azerbaijan's interior troops of the country, spent 11 years in prison because of the Khojaly events.
"Every year, Azerbaijani television shows some strange little groups of people demonstrating and holding portraits of Azerbaijanis who are considered -- by the Azerbaijani government, not by me, the government was the one who demonstrated it -- to have participated in the Khojaly massacre. The Azerbaijani government itself used the Khojaly issue to undermine the reputation of the Azerbaijani opposition who had been in power at the time. And then to turn it around and put all the responsibility on me -- to arrest a journalist -- it's nonsense, it's a disgrace perpetrated by the Azeri government."
Most saw Khojaly as a pretext for Baku's greater discomfort over Fatullayev's critical reporting on the ruling regime, most notably Interior Minister Ramil Usubov, whom he accused of close ties to a former ministry official on trial for murder and kidnapping.Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
I think that passage is oversimplyfying his opinion.Originally posted by Alexandros View Post
His opinion, based on talking to survivors and examining the terrain, is that the ethnic-Azeri refugees from Khojali were invited and allowed to evacuate along a safety corridor provided by the attacking Armenian forces, but that Azeri paramilitary forces belonging to the National Front of Azerbaijan deliberately diverted a section of the refugee column out of the safety corridor in order to engineer their deaths (by making them advance towards Armenian lines and mixing armed paramilitaries amongst the civilians) to make internal political propaganda out of those deaths, and that the dead were, after death, mutilated and posed by the regular Azeri military forces in order to engineer even more outrage, but this time the target being Armenia.
I don't think Fatullayev has ever said the actual killings were done by Azeris. The website interview (that Fatullayev denied making) made that allegation - but that interview may have been faked in order to provide trumped-up charges against Fatullayev.Plenipotentiary meow!Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
NEW TENSIONS ARISE IN ANKARA-BAKU RELATIONS
Panorama, Armenia
Oct 12 2011
The Azerbaijani authorities are very much concerned about the fact that
a large number of businessmen leave Azerbaijan for Turkey because they
are dissatisfied with the regime. The government sees threat in this,
a reliable source in the government told Yeni Musavat.
The source reports that the Azerbaijani authorities appealed to head of
the Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), Prime Minister
Recep Tayyip Erdogan to deport the Azerbaijani businessmen from Turkey,
however Erdogan refused to do so. In return, the Azerbaijani government
targeted AKP-connected Turkish businessmen in Baku.Hayastan or Bust.Comment
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
Azerbaijan: Baku’s Deep Pockets for Art Abroad Contrasts with Restrictions at Home
In the Canadian hamlet of Niagara-on-the-Lake stands an unusual monument – especially for a North American town of fewer than 15,000 inhabitants. It’s a statue of Mehriban Aliyeva, the wife of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, styled as a “divine muse.”
The statue was raised as part of a drive by cash-rich Azerbaijan to make a global name for itself. Drawing on its abundant profits from energy exports, Aliyev’s administration seems determined to gain international attention for something other than imprisoned bloggers and protest crackdowns, and the arts -- both performing and fine arts -- are proving the ticket.
This past August, Niagara-on-the-Lake hosted a four-day promotion of Azerbaijani culture and arts, with particular focus on mugham, Azerbaijan’s distinctive form of folk music. To hear participating musician Ismayil Hajiyev tell it, “Azerbaijani music is very often played in this city.” Maybe. But knowing where fact ends and fiction takes off in descriptions of cultural events sponsored by the Azerbaijani government can prove a challenge.
In large part, that has to do with the influence of the public figure who headlines all such international initiatives. First Lady Aliyeva, a UNESCO Goodwill ambassador, currently runs the organizational committee for Eurovision 2012 in Baku. In addition, the Heydar Aliyev Foundation, which she heads, has shelled out generous sums for such cultural institutions as Versailles and the Louvre, while her Friends of Azerbaijani Culture Foundation backs various Azerbaijani artists and musicians, and organizes mugham festivals and art exhibits abroad.
For Azerbaijani politics, such activity is new, commented Elmir Mirzoyev, editor of Kultura.az, a web portal covering Azerbaijani arts and culture. In the past, under the late president Heydar Aliyev (1993-2003), who was also a former head of the Azerbaijani Communist Party (1969-1982), official patronage of the arts was intended mostly for “internal political use,” Mirzoyev said. But the ambitions of his son, Ilham Aliyev, go further. “He seeks international approval and generously spends oil money to create a European image of his own regime,” asserted Mirzoyev.
In many ways -- apart from a controversy over Azerbaijan concealing one of its Venice Biennale exhibits -- Baku’s arts-related spending seems to be having the desired international impact. Aliyeva received a gold medal in 2010 from UNESCO for her “efforts in establishing an intercultural dialogue.”
But that dialogue narrows when attention swerves to the arts scene at home. Most Azerbaijani artists contacted by EurasiaNet.org for this article declined to discuss the state of the art world in Azerbaijan.
Hikmet Gahramanov, a professor at the Azerbaijan State Academy of Fine Arts and an applied arts and graphic artist, commented that the problem for Azerbaijani artists has less to do with actual government censorship than with economic survival. “There is no censorship like in Soviet times. … But the mainstream [of Azerbaijani art] is still unofficially ordered from above,” said Gahramanov. “Sculptures of senior government officials – and their family members – “are the products most in demand,” he continued.
“[O]ne way to do well is to work on these orders, to create sculptures for parks in each district, [government] office, and so on,” Gahramanov added. “Another way is called among artists ‘to reach out to the family’ -- it is when you have a target audience and it is limited to one family. … Those who choose to blaze their own path “struggle to find jobs.”
Art depends on its practitioners making that choice, noted art critic and philosopher Rahman Badalov. “You can’t expect new ideas and a creative approach when most of the art projects, from architectural decisions for renovated parks to serious art projects, are tuned to the taste of the First Lady,” Badalov said. [Editor’s Note: Badalov is a board member of the Open Society Assistance Foundation-Azerbaijan, part of the Soros Foundations network. EurasiaNet.org operates under the auspices of the Open Society Foundations, a separate entity in the Soros network].
An Azerbaijani artist who has enjoyed official favor has a different take on the arts scene. Azerbaijani artists do not routinely receive patronage from the Ministry of Culture or the government, insisted Tora Agabekova. “A limited number of young artists get a $250 stipend per year. … I don’t know of any young artist who is given a space for work,” said Agabekova, a former stipend recipient now featured at a Baku gallery supported by the Aliyev-family-friendly ArtExEast Foundation. “When the government buys some works, it doesn’t even pay much.”
Most of the government’s domestic work with the arts is focused on exhibits and the publication of catalogues, she added.
That certainly seems to be the case for Galib Gasimov, head of the Ministry of Culture’s Visual and Decorative Arts Department. Gasimov told EurasiaNet.org that he was too busy organizing exhibits and publishing catalogues to explain how the ministry selects artists to exhibit. “The Ministry of Culture sets priorities based on the orders of [the late] national leader Heydar Aliyev, and Mr. President [Ilham Aliyev],” he said, referring EurasiaNet.org to online presidential orders for more information.
But it is not only the Aliyev administration that looks on cultural events as an opportunity for image-shaping. With an eye on next year’s Eurovision contest, the movement “A Free Song Contest in a Non-Free Country” wants to highlight problems with civil rights, including freedom of artistic expression. In its 2011 world report, Human Rights Watch ranked Azerbaijan’s rights record as “poor,” highlighting prisoner abuse and limitations on freedom of religion, assembly and expression.
“We live in a country where rock clubs receive phone calls from the presidential administration to cancel the concert of a rock singer who sings about problems and freedom,” elaborated one of the movement’s co-founders, Rasul Jafarov in reference to rock singer Jirttan (Azer Mamedov), a Facebook star whose Baku performances have twice been canceled.
A petition sent by the group to First Lady Aliyeva’s Eurovision committee about increasing respect for human rights has not been answered, Jafarov added.
Whether Eurovision or such campaigns will end up influencing the domestic arts scene remains unknown, but Badalov, the art critic, asserts that a first step for garnering positive international attention would be freeing the arts from the establishment’s embrace. “You can’t monopolize art,” he said.
Editor's note: Khadija Ismayilova is a freelance reporter in Baku and hosts a daily program on current affairs broadcast by the Azeri Service of RFE/RL.
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Re: Azerbaijan - Internal Political Affairs
Մեհրիբան Ալիեւան փորձում է մասնատել նախիջեւանյան կլանը
Դեկտեմբեր 11, 2011 | 23:04
Ադրբեջանի առաջին տիկին Մեհրիբան Ալիեւան նախընտրական պայքարում իր դիրքերն ամրապնդելու նպատակով փորձում է մասնատել նախիջեւանյան կլանը: Ադրբեջանական «Ազադլըգ» թերթը նշում է, որ իշխող «Ենի Ազերբայջան» կուսակցության հիմնադիր, Բելառուսում Ադրբեջանի նախկին դեսպան, ներկայումս գործազուրկ Ալի Նաղիեւը պատրաստվում է իր կուսակցությունը ստեղծել:
«Իրականում Նաղիեւի` կուսակցություն ստեղծելու ծրագիրը Բաքու-Շիրվանյան կլանի ձեռքի գործն է, դրանով նրանք ցանկանում են մասնատել եւ թուլացնել մեկ այլ ազդեցիկ` նախիջեւանյան կլանի դիրքերը: Բաքու-Շիրվանյան կլանի անդամները կարծում են, որ Ալի Նաղիեւի միջոցով կարող են իրենց կողմը գրավել ԵԱԿ-ի նախիջեւանյան թեւը` այսինքն «հին գվարդան», որի ղեկավարը նախագահի աշխատակազմի ղեկավար Ռամիզ Մեհթիեւն է»,-գրում է թերթը: Այժմ Ալի Նաղիեւը մեծ աջակցություն է ստանում Բաքու-Շիրվանյան կլանի ղեկավար Փաշաեւներից:
Նախատեսվում է, որ Նաղիեւի կուսակցությունը կդառնա երկրորդ ազդեցիկ քաղաքական ուժը երկրում` իշխող ԵԱԿ-ին այլընտրանք լինելով: «Սակայն խնդիրն այն է, որ քիչ հավանական է, որ «հին գվարդիայի» ներկայացուցիչները կցանկանան անցնել Նաղիեւի ղեկավարած կուսակցության շարքերը, քանզի նրանցից շատերը ժամանակին Ալի Նաղիեւին չէին ընդունում իրենց շարքերում»,-եզրափակում է «Ազադլըգ»-ը:
Ավելի վաղ NEWS.am-ը հայտնել էր, որ Ադրբեջանի նախագահի պաշտոնի համար ներքին պայքարը նոր երանգներ է ստանում, հատկապես, որ Իլհամ Ալիեւը վերջերս խուսափողական եւ ոչ հստակ դիրքորոշում է ցուցաբերում Ադրբեջանի նախագահի պաշտոնում իր թեկնածությունն առաջադրելու կապակցությամբ: Մասնավորապես, «Ալ Ջազիրա» հեռուստաալիքին տված հարցազրույցի ժամանակ այն հարցին, թե պատրաստվո՞ւմ է առաջադրել իր թեկնածությունն առաջիկա նախագահական ընտրություններում, Իլհամ Ալիեւը պատասխանել է, որ հարցի կապակցությամբ դեռ որոշում չի ընդունել: Ըստ էության, դա լրջորեն անհանգստացրել է նախիջեւանյան կլանի ներկայացուցիչներին (Ադրբեջանի նախագահի աշխատակազմի ղեկավար Ռամիզ Մեհթիեւ, արտակարգ իրավիճակների նախարար Քեմալադին Հեյդարով եւ ներքին գործերի նախարար Ռամիլ Ուսուբով): Պատճառն այն է, որ նման պայմաններում Մեհրիբան Ալիեւայի իշխանության գալը դառնում է շատ հավանական եւ իրականանալի:Comment
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