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Armenian Georgian Relations

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  • #11
    Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

    Georgia has so many autonomous regions. We must find a way towards the Black sea through their territoy, but it is too hard, not because we can't win militarily, but because of the USA factor and the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline which they would rigorously defend. But if we find a way through the Black Sea, Armenia's geopolitical imporance will rise dramatically. We will be able to export Iranian oil towards Europe and we will get rid of our heavy reliance on Russia.
    Most probably you know US' Kurdistan map which give east-blacksea to Kurds where is your way to sea. And you know "Greater Greece", Pontus claim. Unlike you Armenians or Greeks or Kurds; Lazs were always in that region. They don't come anywhere. And Lazs are Georgians closest relatives. Kurds, Greeks, Georgians and TURKS. Do you think that Armenians have any change to reach black sea? I think they are not favorite in race...
    Last edited by Selpak; 06-01-2007, 03:05 PM.


    • #12
      Re: Armenian Georgian Relations


      Trend News Agency, Azerbaijan, June 1 2007

      Azerbaijan, Baku / corr. Trend S.Agayeva / Doctor of Economic Sciences,
      Professor of the Academy of Sciences of Georgia, Anzor Totadze,
      informed Trend that there has been no analogue of such disrespect for
      a neighboring country, falsification of the history of the people and
      crude attempt to appropriate its cultural heritages as is demonstrated
      in the actions of Armenian pseudo-scientists. According to Totadze, the Armenian academician Suren Ayvazyan and others are the authors of many vulgar falsifications of historical facts.

      "According to Ayvazyan, Georgia has been created within the territory
      of North Armenia, and Azerbaijan created on the territory of East
      Armenia. He tries to prove that by claiming that Bakurakert ( Baku)
      has been the capital of East Armenia for many years. In addition,
      he claims that Armenia was created in 2107 BC," Totadze said.

      "According to these pseudo-scientists, the whole South Caucasus
      has been represented by Armenia for millennia and this idea fully
      corresponds with the morbid wish of the Armenian scientists. All
      falsifications lead to Armenian terrorist claims towards Jevaheti,"
      Totadze stressed. The Georgian scientist fully refuted the statement
      of Armenian scientists by saying that in 1595, 95% of the population
      of Jevaheti was settled by the Georgians. According to Totadze, for
      the first time, the Armenians who were removed from Turkey appeared
      there in autumn of 1829. The historical fact is that in 1829-1831,
      25,000 Armenians flowed to Samtskhe-Jevaheti. He said that presently
      nearly 70,000 Armenians live in Jevaheti and 250,000 in Georgia.

      "Nagorno-Karabakh is the territory of Azerbaijan and Jevaheti of
      Georgia, but not Armenia," Totadze said. The scientist considers the
      statements of the Armenian scientists to be dangerous and calls on
      the international community to take measures. He highly assessed the
      active role of the Human Rights Institute of the Azerbaijan National
      Academy of Sciences in this process. One of the activity directions
      of the Institute headed by Rovshan Mustafayev is to discover Armenian
      chauvinism which presents a real threat to the South Caucasus.

      Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


      Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


      • #13
        Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

        Armenia plans to occupy Abkhazia? Georgian intelligentsia accuses Armenians of genocide of Georgians

        APA news agency (Baku) reports that 60 representatives of the Georgian intelligentsia have demanded that Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili recognize the genocide committed by Armenians in Georgia.

        They say that in 1993, the “Bagramyan” military unit, together with Abkhazians, fought against the Georgian army and killed Georgians living in Abkhazia: “Before the Czar, Russia populated Georgian Javakheti with Armenians, there had been no single Armenian in that region. However, today Javakheti is mentioned as part of Armenia. Having ‘crippled’ the Georgian monuments in the territory of Javakheti, the Armenians are not trying to convince everybody that they are Armenian. All this is being done systematically, and so, must be recognized as a genocide against the Georgian nation.”

        Member of the Supreme Council of Abkhazia in exile Akaky Gasviani supports this initiative and points out that the Armenians have a big role in the “occupation” of Georgian lands and the establishment of the separatist regime in Abkhazia. The Golos Armenii daily publishes the abridged version of the article “What Is Armenia Plotting Against Georgia,” published in the Aisi daily (Georgia) (#36, Oct 3-9 2006). Golos Armenii says that the article tells how Armenians populated Abkhazia and Ajaria and what the atrocities the “Bagramyan” battalion committed during the war against the Georgians. "Journalist Gogneli quotes “some expert on Armenian problems” as saying:

        “If anybody thinks that the Russians will appropriate Abkhazia, he is mistaken. Should they – God forbid — recognize Abkhazia as an independent, the Armenians will occupy this region in just one year. Today, they are silent and are just waiting for a good opportunity. But as soon as it happens, they will rise and appropriate this Georgian region. Today, they are trying to occupy Abkhazia’s sea coast — they are actively working in this direction. Then, they will ‘take care of’ Javakheti” and, finally, they will get access to the sea. This is a part of their “Great Armenia” plan. So, we, the Georgians, must be vigilant and wise. I wonder if our leadership is thinking about it?"

        The Azg daily says that, neither in the Georgian mass media nor via its own sources in Georgia, has it managed to find anything that could prove the information of the Georgian daily. Asked by Azg to comment on the statement, Ambassador of Georgia to Armenia Revaz Gachechiladze said that he knows nothing about such a statement and, even if it was made, he, first of all, wants to know the names of its authors. “In any case, this is not the position of the Georgian Government.”

        Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


        Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


        • #14
          Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

          Historic Concern: Georgian Armenians say authorities out to rid country of Armenian traces

          By Aris Ghazinyan, ArmeniaNow Reporter

          AKHALTSKHA, GEORGIA – A once powerful Armenian ethno-cultural layer in Georgia is currently facing destruction. This at least is the conclusion of representatives of Armenian public organizations operating in the territory of Georgia’s Samtskhe-Javakhetia (Javakhk) province. In their opinion, the eradication of the Armenian element has been elevated by official Tbilisi into state policy and it is being effectively carried out especially in the area of Armenian architecture.

          “The process of turning the Armenian monuments of medieval architecture into Georgian ones, has sense only in the context of the common policy of Georgian authorities,” Ludwig Petrosyan, chairman of the Armenian National Public Union (ANPU) told ArmeniaNow. “In this connection it is no wonder that this policy is being initially tested in the provincial center of Akhaltskha,” a traditionally Armenian province.

          In 1829, Russian general Paskevich occupied Akhaltskha and annexed it to the Russian Empire. The same general, in 1830, carried out the resettlement of 2,536 Armenian families from Armenian Karin (Erzrum) to Akhaltskha, which then was situated only on the left bank of the tributary of the Kura – Potskhov. The Armenian population that settled down on the right bank of the river expressed their desire to call that region “New Erzrum”, but the general did not give his consent, saying that the right bank of the Potskhov, in accordance with the resettlement plan, would bear the name of “Plan”. At present, this region of Akhaltskha is known under the name of “Mard”. At least since the 10th century the opposite bank has borne the Arabic name of “Rabat”. It became the nucleus of the town’s establishment.

          “Basing on this very fact the authorities of official Tbilisi are trying to prove to the world that up to the first half of the 19th century there was no Armenian town-forming factor in Akhaltskha,” says the head of the ANPU legal department Samson Abrahamyan. “Thereby the Georgian leadership totally ignores the ancient and medieval history of the land and is trying to overlook the presence of numerous traces of Armenian culture – including churches and cemeteries in the town’s left bank dated to an earlier period.

          That’s why the traces of Armenian life preserved there are either being destroyed or portrayed as Georgian. And this policy often acquires comic manifestations: in particular, the exclusively Armenian tombstones – khachkars (stone crosses) are presented as Georgian gravestones by way of putting Georgian inscriptions on them. The same inscriptions can be met today also on the facades of Armenian buildings in Rabat. The Surb Astvatsatsin (St. Virgin) Church, for example, dates back to 1356. Founded in the 12th-13th centuries the Surb Yeremyan Church originally was an Armenian Apostolic and later Armenian Catholic Church. It is remarkable that the country’s authorities are thus trying to present even the Catholic buildings as Georgian, although Georgians have never been Catholics. They were Muslims, but not Catholics.”

          This region of Georgia, as in the north-western region of Armenia, is a center of Armenian Catholicism. The majority of the Christian population here are Catholics, and it is from among them that one of the prominent figures of the Roman Catholic Church, Cardinal G. P. Aghajanyan came.

          “The Armenians of Akhaltskha constituted the core of trade-merchant and manufacturing urban estates, they had their workshops and were engaged in medicine and education,” Hrant Karapetyan, the head of the youth union of scouts, said in an ArmeniaNow interview. “In 1876 the population was 13,300, and in 1900 it was 16,116, and the Armenian population made 13,000. There were Armenian periodicals in the town as well as numerous schools. There were five Armenian churches, and among them the famous educational complex at the Surb Nshan Cathedral, which is today presented by Georgian authorities as a monument of Georgian architecture. Besides Armenian churches there was also a mosque and two synagogues in the town.”

          The old xxxish cemetery of Akhaltskha was situated on the left bank next to the Armenian cemetery. Despite the fact that there are practically no xxxs left in town, the cemetery itself is surrounded by a high stone fence and is under protection.

          “The same cannot be said about the old Armenian cemetery,” says Ludwig Petrosyan. He himself is an Akhaltskha native, whose ancestors lived here long before the resettlement of 1830.

          “The uniqueness and value of this cemetery consists in the fact that along with early Christian buildings it is a material proof of the permanent presence of Armenians in the town,” he says. “It is an old necropolis where residents of Akhaltskha were buried even before the 19th century. That’s why this cemetery is not properly protected by the state. Of course, much depends on us, however in the current conditions we are practically deprived of many possibilities.”

          A monument to the victims of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey was erected in one of the hills near the town last year upon Petrosyan’s initiative. The only such monument in the territory of Georgia is a traditional Armenian khachkar. It was set up on the threshold of the saddest day in Armenian history – April 24. The project had been coordinated with municipal authorities.

          “However, it was dismantled by officers of the law, on orders by provincial authorities, and I was summoned to the Prosecutor’s Office,” remembers the ANPU chairman. It was only after a row threatening to strain Armenian-Georgian state relations that the monument was restored, by the intervention of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili.

          “The provincial leadership did not allow us to fence the khachkar and build a dozen steps leading up to it on the 90th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide,” says Petrosyan. “What larger project can we speak about in such conditions? It is enough to mention that against the background of numerous idling and decaying Armenian architectural constructions framing the hollow of Akhaltskha, the only functioning church is literarily driven into the former synagogue and then into the mosque situated in the xxxish district.”

          Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


          Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


          • #15
            Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

            Turkish Investments in Georgia and Azerbaijan: Recent Trends and Future Prospects

            Turkish Prime Minister Tayyib Erdogan, Georgian President
            Mikhail Saakashvili and Azeri President Ilham Aliyev cut
            a red ribbon during the opening of the new international
            airport in Tbilisi February 7, 2007.

            What are the recent trends regarding Turkish investments in Georgia and Azerbaijan? Does geographical and cultural proximity present a particular advantage for Turkish investors? Recent figures show that Turkey has the firm intention to assert itself as a serious investor in the Caucasus with the aim of diversifying its investments in sectors other than energy. Turkey is Georgia’s second largest trade partner. Turkish exports, 27% of Georgia’s total imports, increased from $68 million in 1995 to $131 million in 2000. Nutritional products constitute a majority of Turkish exports to Georgia while automobile spare parts, machinery, and furniture follow; it seems there has not been many changes in the composition of export items. Russia became Georgia’s second trade partner after the Russian crisis in 1998 and cheap and large quantities of Russian products to Georgia decreased the competitiveness of Turkish exports. With regard to direct investments, the National Bank of Georgia indicated that Turkish foreign investment stock between 1997 and 2005 reached $175 million.

            However, Turkish investments are not the leading ones in Georgia; American and British foreign investments are the two important foreign investment sources with their volumes being far higher than those of Turkey. It seems that Turkey cannot exploit its geographical advantage perfectly. In 2004, Turkish direct investments reached $30 million, which was 23% of total foreign investments in Georgia. A majority of these investments went to telecommunication, manufacturing, harbor management, glass packaging, and water bottling sectors. Turkish investments are limited in the construction sector with Turkish contractors having recent contracts amounting $88 million.

            Latest trade negotiations, which included such issues as customs, direct investment, taxation, technical collaboration, and commercial conflicts, however, are promising; Turkey is planning to invest $5 billion in Georgia in the form of direct investment, exports, imports, and project funding. Turkey is interested in especially energy, agriculture, and construction fields on which it has national expertise. Important Turkish and Turkish-affiliated firms in Georgia are Mina Joint Stock Company, Geocell, Sener Arda Group, Delta Petroleum Company, and construction companies of Baytur, Borova, Burc, Ustay, and Zafer.

            In sum, similar to other CIS countries, foreign investment in Georgia is targeted at extracting and transporting natural resources and privatizing some state-owned enterprises. The largest foreign investments were made in 2003-2004, and mostly attributable to the construction of the Baku-Supsa and Baku-Ceyhan oil pipelines. However, these areas do not contribute much to national production, employment, and economic activity. Foreign investments towards other areas especially manufacturing sector would more increase economic activity, offer employment opportunities, and stimulate other sectors.

            Proximity between Turkey and Azerbaijan

            Turkey’s trade and investment ties with Azerbaijan are closer than those with other Caucasian countries. Turkey is among the leading investors in Azerbaijan with an $8.7 billion of investment volume and a 15% economic share. Turkey is the third largest source of Azeri imports after the U.S. and U.K. Whereas other leading investment countries generally engage in petroleum-related investments, Turkey’s investments are focusing on other sectors as well. So far, 1,267 Turkish firms have been registered in Azerbaijan; but currently half of these firms are active. Between 1994 and 1999, Turkey’s share in direct investment, similar to that of the U.K., in Azerbaijan was 15% (ranked second) whereas the economic share of the U.S. was 28%. As of 2005, Turkey’s share in direct investment in Azerbaijan increased to 36% with a volume of $1.5 billion out of total $4.1 billion.

            Turkish firms today are operating in many sectors in Azerbaijan like oil, telecommunication, food, banking, insurance, construction, textile, automobile, transportation, chemicals, iron, steel, energy, education, media, marketing, and bakeries. This high diversity of investments stimulates economic activity by creating employment, transferring know-how, and modernizing the industries. Some important Turkish investment firms are Turkish National Petroleum Company, Turkcell (GSM sector), Azersun (various sectors), Anadolu Holding (beverage sector), Koc Holding (retailer, automobile, banking), Teletas (communication), and contracting firms of Atilla Dogan, Borova, Ekpar, Enka, Tekfen, Tepe, Yucelen, and Zafer. However, recent trends show that contracting firms’ share is decreasing due to economic and political instability.

            In conclusion, Turkey has national advantages and expertise in construction, textile, tourism, and agriculture sectors, and is relatively good in the service sector (banking and finance, exporting, marketing, and real estate) as well. Analyzing export and direct investment items, we see that Turkey cannot exploit its national advantages well in Georgia but can in Azerbaijan; Georgia cannot benefit from its close proximity to these resources. For example, when we consider Turkey’s expertise in the construction sector both in the domestic and foreign markets, it is interesting to see such a low Turkish foreign investment volume in the Georgia.

            In a recent speech, Turkish Foreign Trade Minister Mr. Kursad Tuzmen declared that Turkey is willing to increase its investment volume in the construction sector in Georgia to $350 million. Future business prospects between Georgia and Turkey would be as follows: Turkey, having a large agriculture sector, can use this knowledge in the Georgian agriculture sector especially in areas like processing, packaging, and exporting agricultural products and Georgia can improve. The textile industry, Turkey’s key competitive sector, can also play an important role in the development of Georgian textiles and the leather sector. In addition, there is a potential for joint production related to small-sized vehicles such as trucks and minibuses. Regarding the service sector, Roman Gotsiridze, president of the National Bank, indicated future prospects that Turkish investments can improve in Georgia, such as banking, telecommunication, and tourism.

            Turkey, however, is effectively exploiting its competitive advantages, thanks to geographical and cultural proximity, in Azerbaijan as evidenced by its leading position in non-petroleum sectors. Azerbaijan’s efforts in renovating its industries depend in part on learning from foreign investors through collaboration and transferring know-how. When we think of the leading position of Turkish investments in areas other than oil, Azeri firms can learn from and collaborate with modern and sophisticated Turkish firms. In exchange, Turkish firms can get further business opportunities in the Azeri market. In this regard, Turkish firms have some advantages compared to their rivals especially from Russia and Iran. Turkey has cultural proximity, market knowledge and experience in Azerbaijan.

            Turkey is more experienced than Russia and Iran in the construction, textile, food, telecommunication, banking, and agriculture sectors. These advantages, if used correctly and ethically, can open further doors to Turkish firms in the Azeri markets. One caveat is that some Turkish firms are infamous for their bad quality and unethical business behaviors. This may hurt the Turkish image and may lead to an overall negative perception towards Turkish firms both in Azeri and other surrounding markets.

            Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


            Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


            • #16
              Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

              Russia’s Geopolitical Counter-Offensive in the Former Soviet Union

              In the last two to three years Russia has been on a geopolitical offensive in the countries that were formerly part of the Soviet Union. It has been gradually regaining the ground lost in the aftermath of the American invasion of Afghanistan and the Georgian, Ukrainian and Kyrgyz revolutions. Central Asia. The first major victory for Russia came in Tajikistan in 2004. The country was drifting towards the West following the ouster of the Taliban from neighboring Afghanistan. Moscow worked vigorously to bring the nation back under its sway. The Kremlin repeatedly threatened the Tajik government of Imomali Rakhmonov with the expulsion of one million Tajik workers from Russia, while offering debt relief for the return to Moscow’s orbit. In October of 2004 Russian President Putin and Tajik leader Rakhmonov signed an agreement. Russia agreed to let Tajik laborers remain in Russia and forgave the country $240 million of its $300 million debt.


              The South Caucasus

              Russia has been equally aggressive on its southern flank in the Caucasus. Moscow managed to further increase its already overwhelming influence in Armenia. It upgraded the Russian military base in Giumry, in the northern part of the country and successfully completed the process of acquiring Armenia’s power distribution network in September 2006. The Russian energy monopoly RAO UES already owns most of Armenian hydroelectric plants and manages the finances of the nuclear power station in Metsamor. In addition, the Kremlin controlled Gasprom is Armenia’s single gas provider. Russian gas generates 40% of Armenia’s electricity, another 40% coming from Russian controlled Metsamor. Gasprom also owns the country’s biggest thermal plant. In November 2006 the giant Russian mobile phone operator Vimpel-Communications bought 90% of the shares in Armenia’s national telecommunications company, ArmenTel, from the Greek firm OTE.

              In April 2007 Moscow announced joint uranium excavation venture of Armenia’s uranium reserves, which is scheduled to begin later in this year. Yerevan also agreed to join the International Uranium Enrichment Center, located in Irkutsk region of Russia. Some Armenian experts express their deep concern over Moscow’s suffocating influence in all spheres of the country’s life. However, this doesn’t change the overall picture. The nation remains bound to Moscow to such degree that it leaves even President Putin satisfied. During one of his meetings with Armenian President Robert Kocharian (in February 2007, after the Russian takeover of the Armenian power grid) he half happily and half ironically declared that “there is no issue which can not be solved between Armenia and Russia”. The Kremlin kept Yerevan under close watch to make sure that the piping of the new Iranian-Armenian gas pipeline (that opened in March 2007, transporting gas into Armenia) was small in diameter. Thus Moscow prevented Iran and Armenia from exporting gas to other countries and avoided international competition with Russian Gasprom.

              In contrast to Armenia, neighboring Azerbaijan drifted away from Russia and closer to the United States and NATO alliance. In 2006 Moscow attacked Azerbaijan, threatening to increase gas prices twofold. Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev defied the Kremlin and on his part threatened to stop the export of gas from Russia to Azerbaijan and the import of oil from Azerbaijan to Russia. In 2005 the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline became operational, transporting Azerbaijani oil via Georgia and Turkey to the West. In 2006 the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum pipeline went into operation. It significantly increased the political weight and strategic importance of Azerbaijan, brought it closer to the West and reduced Russian influence in the South Caucasus. Nevertheless, Moscow effectively kept the Karabakh conflict frozen, with a large portion of Baku’s political and diplomatic resources chained to the issue. The Kremlin also succeeded in maintaining its lease on an anti-Missile radar facility in the northern Azerbaijani city of Gabala. Realizing Azerbaijan’s huge importance as an energy rich country, with a highly geostrategic location in Caucasus and in the Caspian basin, the Kremlin doesn’t (and will not) spare its efforts to bring Baku back under Moscow’s influence. So there will be ever increasing pressure applied from Moscow towards Azerbaijan in the coming months or even years, if necessary.

              Pro-Western Georgia has been the Kremlin’s main target in southern Caucasus. Russia fully realizes the huge significance of Georgia. If it regains influence over the country Moscow kills two birds with one stone: it gets direct land access to its satellite Armenia and neutralizes increasingly anti-Russian Azerbaijan, which heavily relies on Georgia to transport its abundant gas and oil resources to the West. Moscow has been doing everything it can to bend Georgia and Mikhail Saakashvili’s pro-Western government to its will. Russia heightened tensions in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and the Armenian populated Javakheti region in southern Georgia; sponsored and organized pro-Russian political groups to create social protests and undermine the government; supported anti-government armed revolt of Georgian warlord Emzar Kvitsiani in western Georgia; banned Georgian wines and mineral waters from Russian markets; raised gas price threefold; cut off all air and land connections with the country and deported hundreds of Georgian immigrants from Russia.

              However, Saakashvili turned out to be a hard stone for Moscow to break. He managed to accelerate significant political, economic and military reforms in the country. He brought Georgia even closer to the West and to its goal of integration in NATO and eventually into the European Union. Saakashvili’s administration, with Western support, succeeded in starting the withdrawal of Russian military bases from Georgia. The Russian Army will leave the country entirely by the end of 2008. The opening of Baku-Batumi-Ceyhan oil pipeline (in 2005) and the Baku-Tbilisi-Erzerum gas pipeline (in 2006) strengthened Georgia’s national security and regional and international position. However, besides many successes achieved in the nation-building process in the last several years, Georgia’s future is not entirely certain. Moscow doesn’t seem ready to retreat: it is lobbying hard in European capitals (using its energy clout) against NATO membership for Georgia, simultaneously subjecting the nation to almost daily, heavy political and economic blackmail.

              Western Frontline

              Russia has been similarly aggressive on its geopolitical frontline in post-Soviet Europe. After the humiliation of the Ukraine’s 2004 presidential elections, Moscow worked hard to contain and reverse the Orange Revolution. First, in winter of 2005 Russia heavily hit the country by doubling natural gas prices (gas raw that caused a disruption of gas supplies to Europe). Then, the well-organized and well financed Ukraine’s pro-Russian “Party of Regions” based on Russian speaking voters in the country’s east, gained a vital 33% in Ukraine’s March 2006 parliamentary elections. The formerly disgraced Victor Yanukovich (the leader of the “Party of Regions” and the loser of disputed 2004 presidential elections) was catapulted into the position of Prime-Minister. Since then, he effectively halted the country’s integration process into NATO. Profound disagreements between President Yushenko’s and his pro-Russian Prime-Minister’s policies’ resulted in the dissolution of the Ukrainian parliament in April 2007 and plunged the country into a deep political crisis, that continues to be filled with uncertainty. In addition, by issuing clear threats to the territorial integrity of the Ukraine, Russia’s Ministry of Defense succeeded in maintaining its naval military facilities on the Black Sea coast.



              Russia lost a great deal of influence in 1990’s and then in the first years of the new millennia, following the American invasion of Afghanistan and Georgian and Ukrainian revolutions in countries of the former Soviet Union. However, Putin’s Russia never gave up its hegemonic aspirations. But Moscow also realized that economically week Russia, with a disastrous war still going in Chechnya, couldn’t afford an ambitious foreign policy. Putin’s Russia rose quietly and gradually. After the September 11 attacks, Putin agreed to let Americans establish military bases in Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. In fact Russia could do very little to stop Washington at that time. However, in exchange Russia got a free hand in Chechnya. By 2004-2005 Moscow basically crushed the Chechen rebellion killing the main Chechen field commanders. At the same time the Kremlin consolidated Russia’s entire energy sector in the state’s hands, sending disobedient oligarchs to jails or exile. Moscow gradually acquired about 30%-40% of Europe’s energy markets and unfolded a large scale geopolitical counter-offensive in the countries of the former Soviet Union.

              Russia’s tactics were basically the same against post-Soviet states: Moscow allies with semi-authoritarian, corrupt, stagnant and isolated regimes (Uzbekistan, Belarus, Tajikistan) guaranteeing their survival in exchange for their obedience to Moscow. Under the banner of keeping stability in a country and in a wider region Russia poses as a policeman, supporting regimes militarily in case of domestic turbulence. Then Russia establishes (or expands already existing) military presence in a country, tightly chaining a nation’s military complex to its own (Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan). Simultaneously Russian state monopolies move in on a country, establishing their dominance on a nation’s energy resources (Turkmenistan), energy infrastructure (Armenia, Tajikistan) and their transportation routes (Kazakhstan). In the beginning, the Kremlin backed Russian companies promise many investments, not only in energy sector but also in other sectors of economy, such as telecom, tourism, transportation. However, Moscow never invests enough (or any) capital to make meaningful change. It merely chains local economies to its own, guarantees its dominance, prevents international economic competition and leaves local societies frustrated and impoverished (Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Belarus, Armenia).

              Against pro-Western post-Soviet countries Russia deploys various tactics: supports shady separatist regimes (against Moldova, Georgia, Azerbaijan); cuts off gas supplies and astronomically raises prices (Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Azerbaijan); applies economic sanctions (Moldova, Georgia); manipulates elections in cooperation with local corrupt and criminal elites (Ukraine); detonates local pro-Russian or Russian forces (Georgia, Ukraine, Estonia). Today Russia is not the world’s strongest country, but it definitely is the strongest power in the former Soviet Union. It had some setbacks and failures in the last few years but overall Moscow is in a much stronger position than it was 4-5 years ago. The Kremlin’s geopolitical successes were contributed to by the instability in the Middle East, high energy prices, wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and not enough activity from the European Union in the nations of the former Soviet Union. Today Russia represents the single biggest threat to the national sovereignty and security of post-Soviet states. Moscow’s goal is not a mere dominance in the region. Russian strategic planners and policy makers have made it amply clear that the Kremlin wants to bring the whole former Soviet landmass under the Russian dominated “Eurasian Union”. Moscow’s new KGB run regime has political will, determination and aggressiveness to do just that. As long as America continues to be bogged down in Iraq and Afghanistan and Europe shows timidity in confronting new Russian neo-imperialism, the Kremlin will find it less and less difficult to achieve its goals. Undoubtedly, there are very hard days ahead of those former Soviet countries which really care for their freedom and future.

              Last edited by Armenian; 06-04-2007, 08:53 PM.
              Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


              Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


              • #17
                Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

                Ջավախքը մենք ենք:
                Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


                Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


                • #18
                  Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

                  Originally posted by Selpak View Post
                  Most probably you know US' Kurdistan map which give east-blacksea to Kurds where is your way to sea. And you know "Greater Greece", Pontus claim. Unlike you Armenians or Greeks or Kurds; Lazs were always in that region. They don't come anywhere. And Lazs are Georgians closest relatives. Kurds, Greeks, Georgians and TURKS. Do you think that Armenians have any change to reach black sea? I think they are not favorite in race...
                  Eh? What are you talking about, who spoke anything about Turkey and Laz? It is not impossible for Armenia to reach to the black sea through Georgia.


                  • #19
                    Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

                    Heidar Aliev statue opening in Tbilisi


                    Ilham Aliev a president of Azerbaijan arrived in Tbilisi with Mikheil Saakashvili to attend an opening of the statue of Heidar Aliev. Presidents arrived from Poland. They have opened a statue in Abanotubani and assessed this fact as an example of friendship of two countries. Author of the statue is Azerbaijanian sculptor. The municipal council of Rustavi, province of Kvemo Kartli, Georgia, decided to immortalize Heidar Aliev's ("the national leader of Azerbajan") name, renaming Gagarin Square Heidar Aliev Square. They anticipate putting also the bust of Aliev.

                    By Aghavni Harutyunian
                    Մեր ժողովուրդն արանց հայրենասիրութեան այն է, ինչ որ մի մարմին' առանց հոգու:


                    Please visit me at my Heralding the Rise of Russia blog:


                    • #20
                      Re: Armenian Georgian Relations

                      Originally posted by Armenian View Post
                      Heidar Aliev statue opening in Tbilisi


                      Ilham Aliev a president of Azerbaijan arrived in Tbilisi with Mikheil Saakashvili to attend an opening of the statue of Heidar Aliev. Presidents arrived from Poland. They have opened a statue in Abanotubani and assessed this fact as an example of friendship of two countries. Author of the statue is Azerbaijanian sculptor. The municipal council of Rustavi, province of Kvemo Kartli, Georgia, decided to immortalize Heidar Aliev's ("the national leader of Azerbajan") name, renaming Gagarin Square Heidar Aliev Square. They anticipate putting also the bust of Aliev.

                      By Aghavni Harutyunian
                      Incredible. According to these idiots Aliev > Gagarin.
                      I recommend next they rename say Turgenev Street as Borat Street.
                      Last edited by karoaper; 06-05-2007, 10:27 PM.