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Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

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  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    Guerrilla actions in various locations
    HPG guerrillas carried out actions across Kurdistan, where 26 soldiers and police officers died, and 8 security forces got injured. Guerrillas also blocked roads and sabotaged soldiers in various l...

    HPG guerrillas carried out actions across Kurdistan, where 26 soldiers and police officers died, and 8 security forces got injured. Guerrillas also blocked roads and sabotaged soldiers in various locations.

    Friday, August 14, 2015

    BEHDINAN - ANF

    HPG guerrillas carried out actions across Kurdistan, where 26 soldiers and police officers died, and 8 security forces got injured. Guerrillas also blocked roads and sabotaged soldiers in various locations.

    HPG Media Center stated that guerrilla retaliations against Turkish state attacks continue. Accordingly;

    Guerrillas carried out an action against Doru military post located on the border of Xakurke in Medya Defense Zones from two different locations at 06:00 on August 13. The number of dead and injured soldiers has not yet been determined. Turkish artillery bombarded, and Skorsky and Kobra helicopters as well as drones and warplanes flew over the region surrounding Radyolog and Durê guard posts after the guerrilla action. Civilian Şadi Töre was wounded in the randomly fires shot by soldiers near Golankê village.

    ROAD BETWEEN ŞEMDİNLİ AND YÜKSEKOVA BLOCKED

    HPG guerrillas blocked the road between Şemdinli and Yüksekova in Xumarek region at 16:20 on August 13, as well as the road between the same districts in Şapata region at 18:00 on the same day. Guerrillas checked IDs, informed the civilians passing by about the political process, and have been controlling the entrances and exits to Şemdinli since the action.

    Guerrillas carried out an action against the Turkish Intelligence Agency (MİT) building and the police headquarters in Hakkari city center at 23:00 on August 13, and the number of dead and injured soldiers has not yet been determined.

    HPG guerrillas also carried out an action against an armored vehicle convoy near Dola Mehendê on the border of Zagros region. 2 soldiers died and 4 soldiers got wounded in this action, and the Turkish army bombed the area with artillery and mortars after the action.

    MORTAR ACTION AGAINST ‘EFELER’ BATTALION

    Guerrillas carried out an action against the ‘Efeler’ battalion in Hakkari’s Yüksekova district center at 21:00 on August 13, and the Turkish army’s response operation ended without results around 05:00 on August 14.

    Guerrillas sabotaged and destroyed the bridge on the way to Oremar guard post in Hakkari at 15:30 on August 13.

    ONE GUERILLA LOST HIS LIFE IN HATAY

    Turkish soldiers ambushed HPG guerrillas on the Kesecik road in Hatay on August 5, and the two groups clashed for 3 hours. HPG guerrilla Mazlum Doğan fell as martyr during the clash, and the number of dead and injured soldiers has not yet been determined. Doğan was from Western Kurdistan (Rojava), had adopted the code name of Mazlum Doğan, and served in different parts of Kurdistan with great determination until his martyrdom in Hatay.

    Guerrillas burned the tractor of a civilian working for the nearby guard post, and set the driver free around 16:00 on August 13. Guerrillas also blocked the road between Qıleban and Beytüşşebab, checked IDs, and informed the passing by civilians about the political process between 06:30 and 15:00 on August 13. Village guards and a village chief was warned in front of other civilians who were stopped here, and the road block ended around 15:00.

    HPG said that guerrilla Martyr Andok carried out an assassination action on Bermani guard post located in the Beytüşşebap district of Şırnak at 17:40 on August 13. 1 soldier died and many soldiers got injured during the action. The Turkish army shot random fires with Kobra helicopters in the area after the action, and caused a fire in the region around Şeman guard post.

    A sabotage action by YJA Star guerrillas targeted a base station in Eruh district of Siirt at 22:00 on August 13, which left the station completely destroyed.

    Two groups of guerrillas targeted three armored vehicles of the Turkish army in Mehendê area of Hakakri's Şemzinan (Şemdinli) district on August 14. While the casualties couldn't be ascertained, Turkish troops at Bêzelê guard post shelled the area after the action. Bombardments by Turkish military in the area continue.

    One soldier was killed in an assassination action by guerrillas against a tower near Farqin (Silvan) dam at 14:15 on August 13.

    SABOTAGE ACTION IN BİNGÖL

    Guerrillas conducted a sabotage action against a group of soldiers near the Suören railway in Genç district of Bingöl at 15:50 on August 13. Three soldiers were killed and four others were wounded in the action after which troops at Suveren guard post bombed the area, while another bombardment targeted the surroundings of Kelaksi village. A fire started by the bombardment in the area still continues.

    In another sabotage action, guerrillas completely destroyed the oil pipeline between Karox and Amed at 00:00 on August 13.

    A clash erupted between guerrillas and soldiers in an area between Bingöl's Genç district anf Mardin's Mava district at 22:00 on August 13. While two Cobra type helicopters that came to the scene following two hours of clashes also bombed the area, the casualties on the Turkish army's side couldn't be verified.

    ONE SPECIALIST SERGEANT AND ONE SOLDIER DETAINED

    After closing the road between Bingöl and Amed and performing ID checks on the people travelling there on August 12, guerrillas detained one specialist sergeant by the name of Hüseyin Sarı and one soldier by the name of Sedat Çolgun, and seized their guns. The road remains under the control of guerrillas.

    Clashes erupted between guerrillas and Turkish police forces that entered four neighborhoods in Farqin district of Amed at 05:00 on August 14.

    During the clashes that lasted till 8 am in the morning, 10 members of special operations teams were killed. On the other hand, two other policemen were killed after guerrillas targeted an armored police vehicle with rockets. One other assassination action left two snipers of police forces deployed in Azizoğlu castle.

    Guerrillas destroyed a base station in Kop district of Muş on August 13.

    ACTION AGAINST MILITARY CONVOY ON DERSİM-ELAZIĞ ROAD

    In a sabotage action against a convoy of the Turkish military on the road between Dersim and Elazığ at 19:50 on August 13, guerrillas destroyed a vehicle with 8-10 soldiers inside it.

    Guerrillas conducted an action in retaliation for the massacre of civilians in Diyadin, in which they targeted the commanders' brigade in Dersim's Pülümür district at 23:30 on August 13. The main entrance gate of the brigade and two towers were destroyed after the detonation of a vehicle loaded with 1,5 tons of explosives, while the brigade was also hit with heavy weaponry. Five soldiers were ascertained killed in the action.

    A bombardment launched by Turkish army in the area after the withdrawal of guerrillas left one civilian wounded. Turkish troops also launched an operation in the area and once again shelled the scene in the morning of August 14, and closed the road between Dersim and Erzincan at 07:30.

    Village guards captured two youths who had decided to join the guerrilla ranks but later changed their mind near Elmalı village of Bingöl on August 7. Turkish media reported this news as if two members of PKK had been captured alive.

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  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    More areas declare self-governance in North Kurdistan

    While the AKP government continues to impose an all–out war concept in North Kurdistan, Peoples’ Assemblies in various settlements declare that they no longer see legitimacy in state institutions run by administrators appointed by AKP.

    Saturday, August 15, 2015

    NEWS DESK - ANF

    While the illegitimate AKP government that still has not resigned after 7 June elections continues to impose an all–out war concept in North Kurdistan, Peoples’ Assemblies in various settlements declare self-governance, saying that they no longer see legitimacy in state institutions run by administrators appointed by AKP.

    Most recently, people’s assemblies have declared self-governance in İpekyolu district of Van, Sur district of Amed and in Hakkari.

    VAN

    People’s Democratic Assembly in Hacıbekir (Xaçort) neighbourhood in İpekyolu district of Van has declared that the assembly started working for building of self-governance of the people. In a press briefing participated by a large crowd, as well as DBP executives, members of Peace Mothers’ Assembly, co-mayors, the executives from the Assembly said they would not accept any administrators appointed by the illegitimate AKP government in their locals. İpekyolu People’s Assembly co-chair Mehmet Batu drew attention in his speech to the necessity for the freedom of the Kurdish Leader Abdullah Öcalan for a long lasting peace and reiterated that they will no longer recognise the administrators appointed from Ankara.

    HAKKARİ

    Hakkari Democratic City Assembly components have annnounced in a joint press conference that they started works for building of self-governance in Hakkari as the state institutions lost their legitimacy. The press conference held in front of the DBP building was attended by DBP and HDP executives, representatives from various NGOs, co-mayors, members of Peace Mothers’ Assembly as well as representatives of neighbourhood assemblies. Speaking at the conference, DBP executive İbrahim Çiftçi stressed that the AKP government has never abandoned its policies of denial and annihilation against the Kurdish people during the process of unilateral ceasefire, and drew attention to the provocations carried out in pre-election period and the massacres perpetrated after the elections. Çiftçi said they cannot continue to live under the rule of the state administration and institutions after all these massacres and attacks, although they do not entirely reject the state: “All the state institutions in this city have lost their legitimacy for us. None of the assigned administrator of the state can rule us. We, as the people, will build a democratic life on the basis of self-management and will undertake our self defence in the event of attacks. We will govern ourselves and our city”.

    AMED

    Peoples’ Assembly in Sur district of Amed held a press conference in front of Free Citizens’ Association in Hasırlı neighbourhood announcing that the assembly has started to work for building self-governance of the people in the district.

    The press conference was attended by co-mayors of Sur Municipality, executives of Free Citizens’ Association, and a large group of local people. Reading out the press statement on behalf of the Sur Peoples’ Assembly, Güneş Sönmez said all the segments of the society and all communities will enjoy their own will to protect their own being and to ensure their freedom against the state repression imposed on the society. Sönmez remarked that they see building of self-governance as a vital need in the face of the all-out attacks of the state and the AKP government against the people.

    Sönmez called on the Kurdistan youth, women, NGOs and all the segments of the society to join and to strengthen the building of democratic nation and self-governance, adding that it is impossible to accept the impositions of the illegitimate AKP government and the state on people to stay under their orders and act only in accordance with their orders and wishes. Sönmez said that they want to be governed by the administrations they have elected through democratic and legitimate means.

    Sönmez said the detention of over a thousand persons in the last month, the ongoing arrests, executions out in the streets, burning of the forests, torturing of the bodies of martyrs demonstrate very well the all-out war declaration of the monist mentality against the people and the point where they want to drag the country to.

    “We as democratically elected city assembly in Sur District hereby declare ourselves as the self-governing structure of the people against the fascist and the illegitimate regime. We, as the elected city assembly, declare that we take a stand against the all–out annihilation policies of the regime and that we will govern ourselves in line with our own will” said Sönmez in reading out the statement of the assembly, and urged the entire society to reclaim their will and join the building of self-governance.

    While the illegitimate AKP government that still has not resigned after 7 June elections continues to impose an all–out war concept in North Kurdistan, Peoples’ Assemblies in various settlements de...

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    The families of Kurdish Turks say the bodies of family members who have been killed in Syria are being stopped from returning home by strict control measures introduced by Turkey.

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    3 turkish askars killed, and six wounded in Paghesh (Occupied Western Armenia), and 3 others in Kurdistan (Hakkari) today.
    Total turkish losses according their official accounts since end of truce by Erdogan for reelection purposes is 38.

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    PKK commander warns about clashes with KDP in Shingal
    http://kurdpress.com/En/NSite/FullSt...09%09%09%09PKK commander warns about clashes with KDP in Shingal%0A%09%09%09%09%09%09%09
    A leading commander of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) warned about the eruption of clashes between forces in his party with the Peshmerga fighters of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) in Shingal, northern Iraq.

    PKK forces took control of region in Shingal and around the city after defeating militants of the Islamic State (IS) who controlled the regions and some others in a sweeping attack in August last year when the KDP forces left the region without fighting against the militants.

    PKK has repeatedly stated it should decide about the regions as it has retake their control. Officials in Kurdistan Region, including Prime Minister Massoud Barzani and Intelligence Agency Chief Masrour Barzani has recently called the PKK a quest in the regions and have asked the party to quit the regions for Peshmerga forces.

    Heval Agid told Awina News that tensions are hight between the PKK and the KDP, warning about possible clashes between the two sides.

    He stated that the KDP should respect the PKK decisions as it was the PKK that liberated the regions that KDP allowed to fall to the control of the IS radicals.
    He further blamed Kurdistan Region President Massoud Barzani’s statement against Turkey attacks on the PKK bases in Kurdistan Region and said the statement had not only no benefit for Kurds but it was also in Turkey ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) interests.

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    Kurdistan's right to secede
    The case for a new state in northern Iraq
    Feb. 19, 2015

    THE Kurds, at least 25m-strong, are one of the world's most numerous
    peoples without a state. Other small nations in their region have a
    home alongside the Arabs, the Persians and the Turks: the xxxs created
    (or, in their book, recreated) Israel after the second world war;
    Armenia and Georgia re-emerged as independent as the Soviet Union fell
    apart.

    The Kurds have twice come close to fulfilling their dream, once after
    the first world war and the Ottoman empire's collapse, when they were
    promised a state by the treaty of Sèvres, and again after the second
    world war, when for ten brief months the Kurdish republic of Mahabad
    rose up in what is now north-western Iran. Today the Kurdish Region of
    Iraq, home to at least 6m people, is independent in all but name (see
    article). It is that benighted country's only fully functioning part.
    Since 1991, when the West began to protect it from Saddam Hussein, it
    has thrived. In due course, it deserves its place in the community of
    independent nations.

    The principle, promoted by America's President Woodrow Wilson a
    century ago, is that nations should have the `unmolested opportunity
    of autonomous development'. A country should be able to gain
    independence if it can stand on its own feet, has democratic
    credentials and respects its own minorities. To qualify, Iraq's Kurds
    should confirm (again) in a vote that they want their own homeland. As
    well as being economically and democratically viable, the new state
    must be militarily defensible and disavow any intention to create a
    Greater Kurdistan by biting chunks off Turkey, Iran and Syria. It
    needs its neighbours' endorsement. And it must settle terms with
    Iraq's government, including where to draw its boundary.

    Marriage misguidance

    A sustainable economy is within the Kurds' grasp. They are exporting
    increasing amounts of oil, and Iraq's central government in Baghdad
    has at last agreed a formula that will let them keep the lion's share
    of the profits. Soon they hope to produce 800,000 barrels a day, worth
    $17 billion a year at today's prices.

    Democracy is established, though still rough-edged. Iraqi Kurdistan
    has regular elections, a boisterous parliament, an array of political
    parties and a raucous media. Certainly its courts are weak, its
    leaders' habits feudal, its journalists sometimes harassed and its
    human-rights record far from spotless. But it is more democratic than
    most of the region--and far safer than the rest of Iraq, even though
    the fanatics of Islamic State press against its long border.
    Suicide-bombings and atrocities of the sort committed by sectarian
    militias in Baghdad and elsewhere in Arab Iraq are mercifully rare.

    The regional politics are trickier. Turkey and Iran have long been
    opposed to an independent Kurdistan carved out of Iraq, lest their own
    Kurds try to follow suit, if Iraqi Kurdistan becomes a magnet for
    neighbouring Kurdish rebel movements.

    Yet even here there has been progress for the Kurdish cause. Syria,
    which is unlikely soon to recreate a centralised state, is hardly in a
    position to object to secession for Iraq's Kurds. Iran has forged a
    pragmatic relationship with them. Relations between Iraqi Kurdistan
    and Turkey, the most concerned of its neighbours, have warmed
    remarkably. For now, the Kurds of south-east Turkey, far more numerous
    than those in Iraq, seem genuinely to have forsaken their desire for a
    separate state, seeking autonomy instead. Moreover, most of Turkey's
    Kurds, assimilated in Istanbul and elsewhere, do not want secession.
    Hence Turkey might accept an independent Kurdistan across its
    south-eastern border.

    The longer-term prospects are also good. Other countries based on an
    ethnic group--Albania, for instance--have resisted the temptation to
    incorporate the territory of their brethren in neighbouring states.
    Landlocked Iraqi Kurdistan will need access to markets for its oil,
    making it all the more vital that it is on decent terms with its
    neighbours, especially Turkey. Western countries should make plain
    that an independent Kurdistan will get no help if it stirs up
    secessionist Kurds across its border.

    As for Iraq's Arabs, the longer they fail to govern their bit of the
    country the less right they have to stop the Kurds governing theirs.
    Secession sets a precedent in the Middle East. Even so, the Iraqi
    Kurds know they must work with the powers in Baghdad and go through a
    difficult negotiation over oil. Since the fall of Mosul (where Islamic
    State holds sway), Kurdistan has crept towards de facto independence,
    with its capital in Erbil. While Islamic State's maniacs are howling
    at the gates of Baghdad, a divorce cannot take place. But in due
    course separation would give the Kurds international protection from
    any violent Iraqi Arab attempt to reassert control. The Kurds want a
    country of their own. They have earned it.

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    19 February 2015
    Iraq-Kurdish force of 25,000 'to retake Mosul from IS'

    A joint Iraqi-Kurdish military force of up to 25,000 fighters is being prepared to retake the Iraqi city of Mosul from Islamic State (IS), a US official says.

    The senior military official has said that the operation to recapture the northern city would probably take place in April or May.

    Iraq's second largest city was currently being held by 1,000 to 2,000 IS militants, the official added.

    Mosul, which was home to more than a million people, fell to IS last June.

    The unnamed official told reporters that no decision had been made on whether a small group of US military advisers would be needed on the ground to direct air support.

    The official said all of the fighters in the force would have gone through training by the US.

    The official added that the operation would be needed by May, otherwise it would be compromised by the summer heat, although he added that it could be delayed if the Iraqi forces were not ready.

    Iraqi security forces on Anbar-Najaf border
    Iraqi security forces, trained and backed by the US military, have been trying to retake territory from IS
    The BBC's Gary O'Donoghue in Washington says that telegraphing the timing of the attack is unusual, but the US insists that IS forces are now in retreat and Washington needs to show that its efforts to rebuild Iraqi military capacity are bearing fruit.

    Earlier in the week, Iraq's Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi confirmed that his forces were "planning an offensive on Mosul".

    In an interview with BBC World Affairs editor John Simpson, Mr Abadi said that he hoped Mosul would be liberated in a few months' time, with a minimum of casualties.

    He added that the actions of the US-led coalition against IS had improved in the past four or five weeks.

    "I think the air campaign has increased in its quality and intensity," he said.

    Map showing airstrikes against IS in Syria and Iraq since 8 Aug 2014
    Meanwhile, military chiefs from more than 20 countries gathered in Saudi Arabia on Thursday to discuss how to strengthen the Iraqi army against IS.

    An official told AFP news agency that a "firm plan" was being looked at to empower the Iraqi army.

    On Thursday, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said that bombing raids by US-led coalition aircraft in Syria had played a key role in the recapture of 19 villages from IS in Raqqa province.

    Fighters from the Kurdish Popular Protection Units (YPG) and three other rebel groups have advanced steadily into IS-held territory since securing control of Kobane on 26 January.

    The YPG and its allies were also now in control of about 35km of the motorway connecting the cities of Aleppo and Hassakeh, the UK-based Syrian Observatory added.

    Ain Issa and the motorway are 56km (35 miles) from the city of Raqqa, the de facto capital of the "caliphate" declared by IS in June after it captured large parts of Syria and Iraq.

    Leave a comment:


  • Vrej1915
    replied
    Re: Prospects of a Kurdish state and what it means for Armenia

    Հայաստանը կհասցնի՞ ներկայացնել իր հայտը
    Lragir.am
    26 Օգոստոսի 2014,


    Հայաստանի հինգերորդ հարեւանը

    Մերձավոր Արևելքում թեժացող իրադարձությունների ֆոնին Արևմուտքը կարծես դեռ չունի հստակ աշխարհքաղաքական լուծումներ, և տպավորությունն այնպիսին է, թե նա սպասում է բոլոր հնարավոր գործոնների ի հայտ գալուն (կամ որ նույնն է՝ հայտերին), որպեսզի անցնի վճռական գործողությունների: Քաղաքագետների վերլուծություններից և տեղեկատվական հոսքերից կարելի է եզրակացնել, որ առայժմ ամենախնդրահարույց հայտերը երեքն են՝ Թուրքիայի տարածաշրջանային հավակնությունները, Իսլամական պետության հայտը և Քրդական պետության հայտը: Հայաստանն անհայտ պատճառներով հայտ չի ներկայացրել և հայտնի էլ չէ, կհասցնի՞ դա անել մինչև «դեդլայն»: Սակայն ակնհայտ է, որ ուշանալու դեպքում ընդմիշտ փակվելու է հայկական հարցը՝ իր տնտեսաքաղաքական հետևանքներով հանդերձ:

    Թուրքիայի աշխարհքաղաքական հավակնությունների մասին շատ է խոսվել: Այն իրենից մոտավորապես ներկայացնում է օսմանյան կայսրության «վերականգնումը»՝ արաբական թերակղզուց մինչև Սև և Կասպից ծովերի միջև ընկած ամբողջ տարածքներն ու ծովածոցերը վերահսկելու իր մտադրությունները: Արդեն հարյուրամյա այդ ռևանշ-նախագիծն իր ակտիվության տարբեր փուլերն է ունեցել, իսկ Եվրամիության հետ հարաբերությունների սառեցման և Էրդողանի նախագահ ընտրվելուց հետո ներկայացվել է որպես տարածաշրջանային հայտ: Ինչքան էլ Արևմուտքը դրան բացասական կամ նույնիսկ անլուրջ վերաբերվի, միևնույն է, Հայաստանն իրավունք չունի աչք փակելու դրա վրա:

    Իսլամական պետության հայտը հավանաբար չի ընդունվի ոչ Արևմուտքի և ոչ էլ այլ քաղաքական կենտրոնների կողմից: Օբամայի և Եվրամիության վերջին խիստ բացասական հայտարարությունները հիմք են տալիս կարծելու, որ այդ հայտը կմերժվի: Եվ թերեւս կմերժվի հօգուտ մեկ այլ՝ Քրդական պետության հայտի: Իսկ հայկական հայտի բացակայության պայմաններում այն կարող է ամենատարբեր լուծումներ ստանալ՝ ընդհուպ միչև հայկական հարցի իսպառ մոռացում:

    Հետևելով միջազգային լրատվամիջոցների վերլուծություններին, չի կարելի չնկատել, որ Քրդական պետության ստեղծումն ուղեկցվում է «Պատմական արդարության վերականգնման» հիմնավորմամբ: Պետք է նաև նկատել, որ այդ հիմնավորումներից բոլորն անխտիր սկսվում են հետևյալ նախաբանով. Քրդերն ամենամեծաքանակ ազգն են, ովքեր չունեն պետականություն: Համապարփակ ապրող ավելի քան 40 մլն քրդերի բնակության աշխարհագրական տարածքը կազմում է 450 հազ. քառ.կմ, որն ավելի մեծ է, քան օրինակ Շվեդիան, Մեծ Բրիտանիան, Իտալիան: Իսկ բնակչությամբ գերազանցում է այնպիսի երկրների, ինչպիսիք են օրինակ Կանադան, Աֆղանստանը, Ալժիրը:

    Քրդերի ծագման մասին բավական հակասական տեղեկություններ ու կարծիքներ կան: Այնուամենայնիվ, նրանց լեզուն պատկանում է հնդեվրոպական լեզվաընտանիքի իրանական ճյուղին: Նրանց մեծ մասը դավանում է սուննի իսլամ (85 %), փոքր մասը շիա իսլամ (5 %), և քրիստոնեություն (2 %): Շատ պատմաբաններ եզդիներին համարում են քրդեր՝ եզդիական կրոն դավանող (8 %):

    Փաստորեն ստացվում է այնպես, որ եթե որևէ էթնոս ունի Կանադայի բնակչությունից ավելի բնակչություն և համապարփակ ապրում է Մեծ Բրիտանիայի տարածքից ավելի ընդարձակ տարածքում, ապա այդ էթնոսի նկատմամբ կիրառելի է «պատմական արդարության վերականգնում»-ը, իսկ այն էթնոսը, որին կոտորել, սարքել են մի բուռ, վտարել են իր պատմական տարածքներից, բայց ճանաչել «անկախ Քարաստան»-ը, չունի որևէ «պատմական արդարության վերականգնման» խնդիր:

    Սառը դատելու դեպքում կարելի է համոզվել, որ այդ վերաբերմունքի հիմնական մեղավորներին պետք է փնտրել հենց Հայաստանում: 23 տարվա անկախությունն այդպես էլ չի ծնել պետական գործիչ, իսկ իշխանական խաչմերուկներում ու հանգույցներում հանգրվանածներից որևէ մեկին հնարավոր չէ մատնացույց անել ըստ այդ հատկանիշի:

    Հավանաբար սխալ կլինի հայտարարել, թե պատմաբանների ու քաղաքագետների շուրթերից չի հնչում տարածաշրջանային «խաղերին» Հայաստանի կողմից հայտ ներկայացնելու անհրաժեշտության մասին: Սակայն նրանց կողմից «թրոլլինգ»-ը ոչ մի կերպ չի ստացվում (դրական իմաստով): Ոչ լայն հասարակական-քաղաքական շրջանակներում և ոչ էլ առավել ևս պետական այրերի մոտ որևէ վտանգի, կամ նույնիսկ մարտահրավերի զգացողություն չի արթնանում: Հաճախ էլ հնչում են հակառակ ռեակցիոն մտքեր՝ որ քրդական պետության ստեղծումը հայկական պատմական տարածքներում դա միայն բարբաջ է:

    Քրդական պետության ստեղծման հարցն ունի հարյուրամյա պատմություն: Այն նախատեսված էր դեռևս 1920-ին՝ Սևրի պայմանագրով և դիտարկվել է հիմնականում երկու տարբերակով. Առաջին՝ չորս պետություններից որևէ մեկի (Թուրքիա, Սիրիա, Իրան, Իրաք) տարածքում անկախանալու տարբերակը, կամ երկրորդ՝ միացյալ Քրդական պետության ստեղծման տարբերակը: Քրդական պետության ստեղծման խնդիրը հատկապես ակտիվ փուլ է մտել 80-ական թվականներից:

    Վերջին իրադարձությունները Սիրիայում և Իրաքում ցույց են տալիս, որ չնայած ներքին որոշ հակասություններին՝ քրդերը հակված են վերամիավորման և Մեծ Քրդական պետության ստեղծման գաղափարին: Այդ խնդիրը չի կարող լուծվել առանց արևմտյան տերությունների աջակցության: Արևմուտքը չի թաքցնում, որ տարածաշրջանում աճող իսլամական ֆունդամենտալիզմը մեծ գլխացավանք է դարձել ողջ աշխարհի համար, և դրա դեմը հնարավոր է առնել մեկ այլ ուժեղ կենտրոն ստեղծելու ճանապարհով:

    Չխորանալով Արևմուտքի աշխարհքաղաքական «էքսպերիմենտների» վերաբերյալ պատմական էքսկուրսների մեջ, նշենք միայն, որ նման «սինթետիկ» պետության օրինակ էր հենց ինքը՝ Իրաքը, որն Անգլիան 1914 թ. ձեռք էր գցել Օսմանյան կայսրությունից՝ միայն որպես նավթի երակ և որը 1932-ին անկախության արժանացավ հենց հակակշիռ ստեղծելու նպատակով: Իրաքն այդպես էլ չկարողացավ կատարել իր առաքելությունը և կատարել արաբ-իսլամիստական ֆունդամենտալիզմին հակակշռող դեր: Եվ այսօր դրված է այն «լուծարելու» խնդիրը: Նման օրինակները բազմաթիվ են, հատկապես Մերձավոր Արևելքում: Արևմուտքը կարծես թե դեռ չի գիտակցում, որ էներգետիկ երակներում հակակշիռներ ստեղծելիս պետք է առաջնորդվել միայն քաղաքակրթական չափորոշիչներով:

    Ամենայն հավանականությամբ, հակակշռող դեր չի կարողանալու ապահովել նաև Մեծ Քրդական պետությունը: Եվ ցավալին այն է, որ «քրդական էքսպերիմենտի» տապալումն այս անգամ շատ ավելի մեծ ու անուղղելի գլխացավանք է դառնալու քաղաքակիրթ աշխարհի համար: Նավթի երակների վրա նստած քրդական սուննի ֆունդամենտալիզմը չափազանց հաջող կերպով քայլելու է Թուրքիայի լադին համաքայլ՝ մանավանդ որ նավթային ուղիները անցնելու են Թուրքիայի տարածքով: Իսկ այն, որ Թուրքիան առայժմ դիմադրում է իր տարածքները զիջել քրդերին՝ բնական է՝ նա փորձում է կորուստները հասցնել նվազագույնի: Հետաքրքիր իրավիճակ կարող է ստեղծվել՝ եթե դրվի կտրուկ ընտրության հարց՝ հայերին թե քրդերին, ապա պատասխանը կարող է լինել բավական անսպասելի: Եվ քանի դեռ հայկական հայտը ներկայացված չէ, ապա քրդերի հետ բանակցելը կարելի է երկարաձգել:

    Որքան էլ ֆանտաստիկ թվա, բայց մերձավորարևելյան հակակշիռների ստեղծման միակ լուծումը «հայկական պատմական արդարության վերականգնման» հայտի ընդունումն է: Քաղաքակիրթ աշխարհն իսկապես կստանա մի հզոր հակակշիռ, ում հետ հնարավոր կլինի առանց զենքի լուծել Աստծո կողմից բոլորին տրված էներգետիկ պաշարների բաշխման քաղաքակրթական խնդիրները: Արևմուտքը հավանաբար գերազանց հասկանում է նորվեգացու և արաբ իսլամիստի քաղաքակրթական տարբերությունները, որոնցից առաջինը գերադասում է ապրել երկհարկանի իր համեստ ու երջանիկ խրճիթում՝ իր էներգետիկ ռեսուրսներով կիսվելով սեփական ժողովրդի եւ մյուսների հետ, իսկ երկրորդը գերադասում է իր նավթը փոխանակել զենքի հետ ու կառուցել ամենաբարձր ու շքեղ շենքը:

    Ի դեպ՝ չմոռանանք մեր հայտում նշել, որ Հայաստանում նորվեգացիներ են ապրելու:

    ԱՂԱՍԻ ԻՎԱՆՅԱՆ

    - See more at: http://www.lragir.am/index/arm/0/com....Y5t92Xbj.dpuf

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